ADOLESCENT PSYCHOLOGY: THE MALAWIAN PERSPECTIVE- BY MARISEN MWALE- E BOOK

ADOLESCENT

PSYCHOLOGY

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Adolescent psychology

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Adolescent psychology

CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1:

INTRODUCTION 4

CHAPTER 2:

THEORIES OF ADOLESCENCE 10

CHAPTER 3:

LESCENCE

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADO 21

CHAPTER 4:

LESCENCE

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADO 34

CHAPTER 5:

LESCENCE

MORAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADO 45

CHAPTER 6:

ADOLESCENC

PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN 55E

CHAPTER 7:

THE CHANGING MALAWIAN FAMILY 67

CHAPTER 8:

AGENTS

SOCIALIZATION AND SOCIAL 74

CHAPTER 9:

ADOLESCENCE

PSYCHOSOCIAL CHALLENGES OF 82

CHAPTER 10:

TEACHING ADOLESCENTS 97

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INTRODUCTION

A

of psychology- Developmental psychology which also constitutes

Child and Adult psychology. Any concise defi nition of adolescence

falls short of a comprehensive description of the term because

every defi nition reveals the bias or major interest of the author. Often

a technical term is invented in order to create a social condition and a

social fact and such has been true with respect to the term, ‘Adolescence’.

As defi ned by the Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary [1977], adolescence

refers to the, ‘process of growing up’ or to the ‘period of life

from puberty to maturity’. Linguistically as well the word is a Latin

word meaning ‘to grow up’ or to ‘come to maturity.’ If we start at the

beginning as it were and set out to defi ne the term adolescence from

a psychological perspective, then immediately two aspects become

apparent.

• First – that adolescence as a period cannot even be defi ned in

a way that makes it a period of development independent or

immune of human judgment.

In other words the question is as to whether adolescence is a

Social construction.

• Second – that it usually has to be defi ned with the sort of am

biguity that has left the door open for rival theories of adolescence

[Vaness, 1960].

dolescent psychology is a fi eld of study within the major branch

CHAPTER 1

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Adolescent psychology

Taking for example, Buhler’s [1954] defi nition which has most likely

reached general acceptance among developmental psychologists:

Adolescence is an in-between period beginning with the achievement

of physiological maturity and ending with the assumption of social

maturity- that is with the assumption of social, sexual, economic and

legal rights and duties of the adult. The defi nition is biological at the

outset, but except for the word ‘sexual’, its termination is entirely in

social terms. In other words, the termination of adolescence is subject

to the particular customs of the culture- it is cultural specifi c. Adolescence

is thus subject to human judgment. It has the implication

that adults can willfully prolong adolescence by decisions about what

defi nes the termination of it.

Adolescence as a concept is said to have appeared in literature in

the 15th century. Prior to that during the Middle Ages children were

treated as miniature adults. Children and adolescents were believed

to entertain the same interests as adults and, since they were simply

miniature adults, they were treated as such, with strict, harsh discipline.

In the Middle Ages neither the adolescent nor the child was

given status apart from the adult [Muuss, 1989].

During the 18th century Jean Jacques Rousseau offered a more enlightened

view of adolescence. Rousseau, a French philosopher, did

more than any other individual to restore the belief that a child is not

the same as an adult.

In Emile [1762], Rousseau argued that treating the child like a miniature

adult is not appropriate and is potentially harmful. He believed

that children up to the age of 12 or so should be free of adult restrictions

and allowed to experience their world naturally, rather than

having rigid regulations imposed on them. Social and historical conditions

have led a number of writers to argue that adolescence has

been ‘invented’ [Finley, 1985; Hill, 1980; Lapsley, 1988]. While adolescence

clearly has biological foundations, nonetheless social and

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historical occurrences have contributed to the acceptance of adolescence

as a transitional time between childhood and adulthood. This

is denoted the

Inventionist View of adolescence.

Adolescence is marked by two signifi cant changes in physical development.

• First – physiological changes or dramatic change in size and

shape.

• Second – the inception of puberty.

According to G. Stanley Hall [1904], adolescence starts at the age

of 12 or 13. In principle, at least, the outset of adolescence can be

determined objectively, for example, by the presence of the gonadotropin

hormone in the urine. It lasts until anything from 22 to 25

[Kalat, 1990].In other words, its termination is determined by the

achievement of the society’s criteria of psychological maturity. And

so we have a biological defi nition of the beginning of adolescence

and a sociological defi nition of its termination.

A South African psychologist Nsamenang [1996], argues that adolescent

psychology has since been a Eurocentric enterprise. This implies,

regrettably, that research efforts have so far failed to capture

what adolescence truly is in its global context. Instead, scholars have

tended to create, or more accurately, to recast, the African or other

non-western images of adolescence in the shadow of Euro-American

adolescence.

Other authorities have more explicitly endeavored to defi ne adolescence:

Stone and Church, 1973; Bandura, 1970; Ingersoll, 1981; Sisson,

Hersen and Van Hasselt, 1987; Sprinthall and Collins 1988 state

that:-

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Adolescence is a stage in a person’s life between childhood and adult

hood.

Crider, Goethais

Adolescence is usually defi ned as the period that begins with the onset

of puberty and ends somewhere around age eighteen or nine

teen.

, Kavanaugh and Solomon [1983] state that:-

Atwater [1992] states that:-

Adolescence is the period of rapid growth between childhood and

adulthood, including psychological and social development.

Hopkins [1993]

Defi nes adolescence as the period between childhood and adulthood

with much personal growth- physical, psychological and social—that

gives the period its special place within the fi eld of developmental psychology.

Santrock [1993]:-

Defi nes adolescence as, the developmental period of transition between

childhood and adulthood that involves biological, cognitive and social

changes.

In this context,

• Biological changes involve physical development.

• Cognitive changes involve thought, intelligence, and language.

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Adolescent psychology

• Social changes involve relationships with other people in

emotions, in personality and in the social context.

BOUNDARIES OF ADOLESCENCE

Adolescence has been described as a transitional stage with uncertain boundaries.

In other words, it is diffi cult to tell exactly at what ages adolescence begins

or ends—its inception and termination is diffi cult to determine. Basically

boundaries of adolescence mark the beginning and ending of key factors of

development.

Atwater [1992] has demarcated the following boundaries:

Biological:

with the attainment of physical and sexual maturity.

in this perspective adolescence begins at puberty and ends

Emotional:

autonomy or independence from parents and ends with the attainment

of self-revised personal identity and emotional autonomy.

in this perspective adolescence begins at the beginning of

Cognitive:

of logical reasoning, problem solving and decision making skills and

ends after attaining adult logical reasoning and autonomous decision

making.

in this perspective adolescence begins with the emergence

Interpersonal:

from parents to peer orientation and ends with increased capacity for

intimacy with peers and adults.

in this perspective adolescence begins with the shift

Social:

family and work roles and ends with the attainment of adult privileges and responsibilities.

in this perspective adolescence begins with entry into personal,

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Educational:

secondary school and ends with the completion of college education.

in this perspective adolescence begins with entry into

Religious:

confi rmation and adult baptism and ends with the attainment of adult

status in a religious community.

in this perspective adolescence begins with preparation for

Chronological:

ment of a given age associated with adolescence e.g. teen years and ends

with the attainment of a given age associated with adulthood e.g.

twenties.

in this perspective adolescence begins with the attain

Legal:

juvenile status and ends with the attainment of legal status.

in this perspective adolescence begins with the attainment of

Cultural:

preparation for ceremonial rites of passage and ends with the ceremo

nial rites of passage.

For practical purposes the beginning of adolescence remains closely

associated with the beginning of puberty although it is no longer synonymous

with it. It is however diffi cult to determine its ending since it

merges into early adulthood.

in this perspective adolescence begins with the training for

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THEORIES OF ADOLESCENCE

Scientists approach the understanding of adolescence from different theoretical

perspectives or points of view. As a result there are many theories

of adolescent development. However, each theoretical perspective is

based on particular assumptions to explain adolescent development. No

one single theoretical perspective covers all aspects of adolescence. By

examining particular contributions from several theoretical perspectives,

one may be able to arrive at a more comprehensive and well-balanced

understanding of adolescent behavior [Atwater, 1992].

THE BIOLOGICAL-MATURATIONAL THEORIES

Assume that adolescence begins with the biological changes accompanying

puberty. It is from this assumption that earlier views of adolescence

assumed a direct link between biological factors and psychological development.

The perspective was pioneered by G. Stanley Hall. Hall’s theory is probably

the earliest formal theory of adolescence- and as such he is dubbed

the father of ‘a scientifi c study of adolescence’.

Infl uenced by Darwin’s evolutionary theory, Hall [1904] argued that each

person’s psychological development recapitulates [or recaptures] both

the biological and cultural evolution of the human species. The notion

that ‘ontogeny [i.e. individual development] is a brief and rapid recapitulation

of phylogeny [i.e. the evolutionary development of the human

race]’. In essence ontogeny refl ects development from childhood through

adolescence to adulthood. On the other hand phylogeny refl ects the evo-

CHAPTER 2

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lution of man from early man through the traditional primitive man to the

modern man.

Hall saw adolescence as a time of ‘storm and stress’- or ‘sturm and drang’

which mirrors the volatile history of the human race over the last 2000

years [Gross, 2001]. Hall’s ideas were published in the two volumes set

‘Adolescence’ in 1904. The storm and stress label was borrowed from the

German writings of Goethe and Schiller, who wrote novels full of idealism,

commitment to goals, revolution, passion and feeling. Hall sensed

there was a parallel between the themes of the German authors and the

psychological development of adolescents.

According to Hall, the adolescent period of storm and stress is full of

contradictions and wide swings in mood and emotion. Thoughts, feelings,

and actions oscillate between humility and conceit, goodness and

temptation, and happiness and sadness. One moment, the adolescent may

be nasty to a peer, yet in the next moment be extremely nice to her. At one

time he may want to be left alone, but shortly thereafter desire to cling to

somebody.

In sum, G. Stanley Hall views adolescence as a turbulent time charged

with confl ict [Ross, 1972]- a perspective labeled the storm and stress

view of adolescence.

Hall’s analysis of the adolescent years also led him to believe that the

time to begin strenuously educating such faculties as civility, scientifi c

thinking, and morality is after the age of 15. However, Hall’s developmental

vision of education rested mainly on highly speculative theory

rather than empirical data. While Hall believed systematic methods

should be developed to study adolescents, his research efforts usually

resorted to the creation of rather weak and unconvincing questionnaires.

Even though the quality of his research was suspect, Hall is a giant in the

history of understanding adolescent development.

It was he who began the theorizing, the systematizing, and the questioning

that went beyond mere speculation and philosophy. Indeed, we owe

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the scientifi c beginnings of the study of adolescent development to Hall.

The concept of adolescence as a period of storm and stress however

raises several questions:

• First, is adolescence particularly stressful, or conspicuously

more so than other age periods?

• Second, if it were conceded that adolescence is stressful, then

how stressful is it?

• Third, is such stress attributable to physical changes that occur,

or to society’s failure to adapt to adolescents’ needs?

• Finally, what special measures, if any should be taken to prevent

or alleviate such stress?

Hall portrayed changes as so marked and so catastrophic, as to be upsetting.

Since Hall’s time, most writers on adolescence have expressed similar

views. For example, Stone and Church [1989] call adolescence a vulnerable

period. According to these psychologists, adolescence is characterized

by persistent feelings of exaggerated rebelliousness, emotional

volatility, feelings that everybody is against one, and intense idealism.

Fortunately, Stone and Church do conclude that most adolescents have

developed ‘a tough core of security, and an anchorage in reality, that permits

them to withstand and thrive in the stresses of this period,’

Gessell advocates that adolescence as a period is characterized by ‘negativism,

introversion and rebellion.’ Lewin advocates that adolescence is

typifi ed by marginality, ideological instability, extremism, expansion and

increased differentiation of the ‘life space’. Anna Freud (1968) advocates

that adolescence is typifi ed by ‘psychological disequilibrium’ resulting

from sexual maturity and arousal of ego-defense mechanisms [e.g. intel

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Adolescent psychology

lectualism, asceticism]. She also viewed adolescence as a state of fl ux,

alternating between periods of high enthusiasm and utter despair between

energy and lethargy, between altruism and self-centeredness. For Otto

Rank a ‘striving for independence’, for Kretschmer and his followers an

increase in ‘schizoid’ characteristics and for Remplan ‘a second period of

negativism, followed by ego experimentation and the formation of new

self-concept’.

Despite the signifi cance that Hall’s view on the study of adolescence had

in his day yet many of his ideas have not stood the test of time and not all

writers agree that normal adolescence is a period of storm and stress.

In his research, Bandura (1964) found that most young people with

whom he had contact in the USA were not anxiety ridden and stressful.

Bandura felt that the assumption of a tumultuous adolescence was a gross

overstatement of fact. He argued that if a society labels its adolescents

as ‘teen-agers’, and expects them to be rebellious, unpredictable, sloppy,

and wild in their behaviour, and if this picture is repeatedly reinforced by

the mass media, such cultural expectations may very well force adolescents

into the role of the rebel. In this way, a false expectation may serve

to instigate and maintain certain role behaviours, in turn, and then reinforce

the originally false belief (Bandura, 1964, p. 24). Bandura’s (1964)

main point was that when society presumes adolescence to be a period of

radical tension, it runs the risk of creating what he called a ‘self-fulfi lling

prophecy’.

The current views on adolescence in addition to that adopt a mediator

effects approach. This approach recognizes that the impact of puberty

on overall development is mediated by other variables. In other words

the experience of adolescence is heavily infl uenced by one’s social and

cultural environment [Atwater, 1992].

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THE ENVIRONMENTAL THERIES [SOCIAL

LEARNING AND CONSTRUCTIVIST]

Social learning theory consists of rather diverse thoughts that range from

Clark Hull’s drive reduction theory, to Skinner’s reinforcement theory to

Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Social learning theory’s effort in combining

such diverse points of view has been described as the merging of the

clinically rich psychoanalytic concepts with the scientifi cally rigorous

behaviorists constructs. Clearly, social learning theory is multidimensional/

eclectic in that it draws on concepts, hypothesis, and methodology

from a variety of different psychological sources.

While social learning theory develops its own theoretical constructs, of

which modeling and observation are the most important, it draws freely

on constructs of behaviorist learning theory, especially reinforcement.

But even Skinner’s concept of direct reinforcement is expanded to include

important social dimensions- vicarious reinforcement and self-reinforcement.

Thus the concerns of social learning theorists go far beyond those

of the narrow connection between a stimulus and a response and include

the contributions of the mother-child [and child-mother] relationships to

personality development. This bidirectioal infl uence [parents to child,

but also from child to parents] is a cornerstone of social learning theory.

The bidirectionality of social infl uences, especially that of children themselves

being active contributors to their own development, has, under the

infl uence of social learning theory, become a core concept in ecological

and contextual theories of development. It apart from that also incorporates

the importance of models, the role of cognitive processes, and the

imitation of models in the learning process. In addition, the relationship

of the individual to the social group and the mutual infl uences are of

unique importance:

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‘Individual and group behavior are as inextricably intertwined, both as to

cause and effect, that an adequate behavior theory must combine both in

a single internally congruent system’ [Sears, 1951].

In short, the realm of investigation, for the social learning theorist is the

whole spectrum of socialization processes. These encompass imitation,

modeling, instruction, reward and punishment; by which children learn

and to which children contribute, often through indirect teaching. The

signifi cance of the socializing agents as ‘ a source of patterns of behavior’

has often been neglected in other theories, even though observational

and empirical evidence indicate that this social aspect of the learning

process is fundamental to socialization and personality development.

Albert Bandura, a leading social learning theorist has pioneered the view

that cognition [act of knowing], bearing [social conduct] and environment

play a primary role in human behavior. Bandura has observed

that much of adolescent behavior comes from observational learning,

in which adolescents observe and imitate the behavior of their parents,

other adults and peers. Furthermore, adolescent learning and behavior are

signifi cantly affected by cognitive variables such as competences, encoding

strategies, expectances, personal values and self-regulatory systems

[self-monitoring and motivation]. Piaget’s cognitive development theory

and the information processing view are two main cognitive theories. Piaget

defi nes adolescence as a stage of transition from the use of concrete

operation to the application of formal operation in reasoning. This clearly

distinguishes it from puberty which is the period in adolescence which

is characterized by physiological changes that end childhood and bring

the young person to adult size, shape and sex potential. Robert Havigurst

combines the individual’s readiness for learning with certain social demands

in defi ning the eight developmental tasks of adolescence.

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THE PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORIES

Pioneered by Sigmund Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis- he regarded

childhood as the most formative periods of human development. In other

words, he believed that the dynamics of personality depend largely on

how the sexual instinct [ID] and the ego and superego have been shaped

during the formative years of childhood. In the three dimensional or tripartite

model of the mind the ID which is biological is the subconscious

[that part of the mind of which one is not aware but which can infl uence

one’s behaviour] part of the personality or in other words it upholds or

represents the pleasure principle.

It contains irrational instinctual appetites and impulses. It emphasizes on

the immediate gratifi cation of needs for example the sexual impulses and

hunger. The EGO which is psychosocial is the reality principle trying and

endeavoring to control the ID into reality. Functions to adapt the individual

to reality, delays, inhibits, restrains and controls ID demands. The

SUPER EGO which is social in nature is the home of norms and ethical

values of society and tries to bridge the gap between the ID and EGO. It

represents the social-moral component in the personality-represents the

ideal rather than the real and strives for perfection. The SUPER EGO

has two components- conscience and ego-ideal. The conscience reacts to

moral transgression by an individual through feelings of guilty.

The ego-ideal produces pride and satisfaction if the individual’s behavior

conforms to acceptable standards. It is hypothesized that the weakening

of the ego as a result of ID demands and the subsequent inability of the

Superego to bridge the gap between the ID and Ego has often been cited

as the major cause of psychological instability. The Freudian theoretical

perspective emphasized that the intensifi ed sex drive and resulting sexual

confl icts arouse a lot of anxiety in adolescents. This anxiety in turn produces

a variety of defense mechanisms such as repression, intellectualization,

and asceticism for coping with stress in adolescence.

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Central to Freud’s psychoanalytic theory is the assumption that human beings

have a powerful drive that must be satisfi ed. As biological creatures,

there is a drive in individuals to satisfy or serve these motives, yet society

dictates that many of these urges are undesirable and must be retained

or controlled. Freud further added that people are unaware that the biological

instincts are the driving force behind behaviors. Similarly, Anna

Freud, while retaining her father’s developmental approach emphasized

an additional view. She believed that adolescence is a special period of

turbulence because of the sexual confl icts brought in by puberty.

Erickson who also subscribes to the psychoanalytic theories of adolescent

development emphasized on eight developmental stages. Santrock

emphasized on the past, the developmental course of the environment,

unconscious mind and emphasis on confl ict. The main weaknesses of

the theoretical perspective are too much emphasis on sexuality and the

unconscious mind as well as the negative view of human nature.

Defense mechanisms

Are automatic, unconscious strategies for reducing anxiety.

Regression-

times, to try to recapture security.

------return to behavior of an earlier age during stressful

Denial

---------refusal to accept feelings and experiences that cause anxiety.

Repression

that cause anxiety.

-----------blocking from consciousness those feelings and experiences

Sublimation

into ‘acceptable’ activities such as study, work, sports and hobbies.

-------------channeling disturbing sexual or aggressive impulses

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Projection

motives to another person.

-----------attributing one’s own unacceptable thoughts and

Reaction formation

-------------say the opposite of what one really feels.

Intellectualization

discussion to avoid unpleasant, anxiety producing feelings.

------------------participating in abstract intellectual

Asceticism

such as study to repress negative impulses.

---------------engagement in more positive academic activities

THE CULTURAL-CONTEXT THEORIES

Pioneered by Margaret Mead in a cultural anthropological standpoint,

she implored as to whether adolescence is a biologically determined period

of storm and stress as advocated by Hall or simply a reaction to

social and cultural conditions. In a bid to resolve the controversy Mead

conducted research in Pago Pago- Samoa in the West Indies in 1925. The

goal of research was to determine whether adolescent turmoil was a universal

product of puberty, and hence biologically determined, or could be

modifi ed by culture. In the research she conducted, it was conclusively

established that the disturbances which vex our adolescents are ontological

or culturally specifi c and not universal. In essence they are a product

of civilization [Muuss, 1996].

It has been cited frequently as evidenced that;

• The turmoil

• The sexual frustration

• The storm and stress

Associated with growing up in the United States and considered universal

by many of the major developmental psychologists of that time is

far from being an inevitable, universal condition, and actually resulted

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from particular expectations, cultural settings, social environment, and

childrearing practices.

Mead’s description of life in Samoa [1928/1950] a life characterized by;

• Carefree

• Unpressured

• Harmonious interpersonal interactions

• A lack of deep feeling being the very framework of all their at

titudes towards life

• Without jealousy and stress

• Love and hate, jealousy and revenge, sorrow and bereavement,

being a matter of weeks

In a nutshell, Mead described the transition to adulthood as smooth and

unencumbered- not affected by confl ict. Mead’s perspective was challenged

by an Australian anthropologist, Derek Freeman, in his book titled

‘Margaret Mead and Samoans: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological

Myth’ published in 1983. Freeman spent a total of six years in

Western Samoa in the 1940s and the 1960s doing his research among the

Samoans.

According to Freeman’s [1983] fi ndings, the Samoans were more violent,

sexually repressed, and fearful than what Mead had reported. Freeman

argued that Mead had been overly concerned with emphasizing the role

of culture, rather than biology, in human behavior.

Any explanation in biological terms of the presence of storm and stress

in American adolescents was totally excluded. The conclusion to which

Mead was led by her depiction of Samoa as a negative instance was thus

of an extreme order.

Instead of arriving at an estimate of the relative strength of biological puberty

and cultural patterns, Mead dismissed biology, or nature, as being

of no signifi cance whatsoever in accounting for the presence of storm and

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Adolescent psychology

stress in American adolescence, and claimed the determinism of culture,

or nurture, to be absolute [Freeman, 1983, p. 78]. It should be pointed

out; however, that Freeman did not conduct his research with the same

population that Mead had used in her studies.

In their book, ‘Adolescent Psychology: A Developmental View’,

Sprinthall and Collins [1988] defended Mead’s work by pointing out that

her work gave only a partial picture of Samoan life and her view that

‘cultural norms and expectations help to determine the nature of adolescence

has been widely supported by studies in a variety of cultures, and

Mead’s work is still recognized as an important early statement of this

idea’ [p.13]. Ruth Benedict in trying to answer the question: what are the

cultural differences that make adolescence a more or less generally diffi

cult experience for young persons in western society:

‘Concluded that the major determinant of the diffi culty of adolescence

was the extent to which socialization for adulthood was discontinuous in

a society.’

By discontinuous Benedict referred to ‘the necessity for an individual to

learn a different set of behaviors, roles and attitudes for adulthood from

the set learned in childhood’. Lloyd (1985) simplifi ed Benedict’s description

by pointing out that the Samoan society was a perfect example of a

continuous culture and the Western society could be viewed as a discontinuous

culture.

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PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT DURING

ADOLESCENCE

PUBERTY AND PUBERTAL GROWTH

As already noted in the preamble to the course the onset of adolescence

is heralded or marked by two signifi cant changes:

• Physiological changes in appearance

• The onset of puberty

Pubescence and adolescence have often been confused and considered as

synonymous. However puberty can be distinguished from adolescence

because for most people puberty has ended long before adolescence is

exited or begins. Different authorities have attempted to defi ne puberty

differently:

Santrock states that puberty is a rapid change to physical maturation involving

hormonal and bodily changes that take place primarily during

early adolescence. Slavin [1988] defi nes puberty as a series of psychological

changes that render the immature organism capable of reproduction.

Papalia [1990] describes puberty as a process that leads to sexual maturity

and ability to reproduce.

CHAPTER 3

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HORMONAL CHANGES DURING PUBERTY

Behind the fi rst whisker or wet dream in boys and behind the fi rst menarche

and widening of hips in girls is a fl ood of hormones. Hormones

are powerful chemical substances secreted by the endocrine glands and

carried through the body by the bloodstream. The key to understanding

the endocrine system’s role in pubertal change is the Hypothalamic-Pituitary-

Gonadal axis.

The hypothalamus is a structure in the higher portion of the brain, and the

pituitary is the body’s master gland. It is located at the base of the brain.

Its designation as the master gland comes from its ability to regulate a

number of other glands. The term gonadal refers to the sex glands-that is

the testes in male and ovaries in female.

THE HORMONAL SYSTEM

While the pituitary gland monitors endocrine levels, it is regulated by

the hypothalamus. The pituitary gland sends a signal via gonadotropin- a

hormone that stimulates the testes or ovaries to manufacture other hormones.

The pituitary gland, through interaction with the hypothalamus, detects

when the optimal level is reached and responds by maintaining gonadotropin

secretion. There are two main classes of sex hormones that are

manufactured after the trigger of the sex glands by gonadotropin.

These are:

• Androgens

• Estrogens

Androgens are secreted primarily in male and estrogens in female.

Current research, however, has been able to pinpoint more precisely

which androgens and estrogens play the most important roles in pubertal

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development. In this respect, testosterone appears to assume an important

role in pubertal development of male. Throughout puberty, increasing testosterone

levels are clearly linked with a number of physical changes in

boys e.g. development of genitals, increase in height and voice changes.

In female, estradiol is likely the most important hormone responsible for

pubertal development. The level of estradiol increases throughout puberty

and then varies in women across their menstrual cycle. As estradiol

levels rise, breasts and uterine development occur and skeletal changes

appear as well.

Note that both testosterone and estradiol are present in the hormonal

make up of both boys and girls, but that testosterone is dominant for boys

while estradiol is stronger in girls. Each hormone however is not solely

responsible for pubertal changes; there are other hormones and variables

responsible.

These hormonal changes in girls and boys trigger a process referred to as

the Adolescent growth spurt marked by rapid physical and physiological

changes.

The growth spurt refers to the accelerated rate of increase in height and

weight that occurs in adolescence. This physical change has many of the

features of stage transition predicted by the epigenetic landscape model.

There is a wide variation, both between and within sexes, in the onset and

rate of change during the transition to adolescence. In boys, the growth

spurt may begin as early as 10 years, or as late as 16 years. In girls, the

same process only may begin as early as 8 years or not until 12 or 13

years.

Other physical changes include increases in strength, a doubling in the

size of the heart, greatly increased lung capacity and the release of sex

hormones by the pituitary gland.

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PHYSICAL CHANGES DURING PUBERTY

Puberty is not a single event. It is a series of changes involving almost

every part of the body and the fi nal outcome of those changes being the

ability to reproduce. It is popular acceptance by scholars that girls begin

puberty at about one and half to two years ahead of boys. In each sex the

normal range of onset is approximately six years. Slavin [1988] adds that

like the onset, the rate of changes also varies with some people taking

only eighteen to twenty-four months to go through the pubertal changes

while others may require six years to pass through the same stage. These

differences in a way may mean that some individuals may be completely

mature before others of the same age have even begun puberty

CHANGES IN GIRLS

The sequence of changes is as follows in girls:

• Initial enlargement of the breasts---breast bud stage.

• Straight lightly pigmented pubic hair begins.

• Maximum growth rate is attained.

• Pubic hair becomes adult in type but covers a small area than in

adult.

• Breast enlargement continues: the nipple and the area around it

now project above the level of the breast.

• Menarche occurs.

• Underarm hair appears: sweat glands under the arms increase in

size.

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Adolescent psychology

• Breast and pubic hair reach adult stage.

CHANGES IN BOYS

The sequence of changes is as follows in boys:

• Growth of the testes and scrotum begins.

• Straight lightly pigmented hair begins.

• Enlargement of the penis begins.

• Early changes in the voice occur.

• First ejaculation of semen occurs.

• Maximum growth rate is attained.

• Underarm hair appears and the sweat glands under the arms

increase in size.

• The voice deepens noticeably.

• Growth of moustache hair, beard hair and pubic hair reach adult

stage.

EXPLANATIONS

It may be noted that the sequence of events at puberty is generally the

same for both boys and girls. However the timing and rate at which they

occur vary widely. Changes take place in different organs of the body.

Some organs are directly responsible for reproduction while others

only

show the physiological signs of sexual maturity. All organs necessary

or

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Adolescent psychology

directly responsible for reproduction are denoted primary sex

characteristics.

In the female body structures involved are:

• Ovaries

• Uterus

• Vagina

In the male body, structures involved include:

• Testes

• Penis

• Prostate gland

• Seminal vesicles

During puberty these organs enlarge and mature. There are also secondary

sex characteristics. These are physiological signs of sexual maturity

that do not directly involve the reproductive organs.

Examples are:

• Changes in voice

• Texture of skin

• Pubic, facial, armpit and body hair.

THE EFFECTS OF EARLY AND LATE

MATURATION

Comparison in girls

• Early matures maybe associated with social recognition and ac

ceptance while late matures lack social recognition and

acceptance.

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• Early matures are treated as adults and are expected to behave

likewise while late matures have a youthful appearance which

leads to immature behavior.

• Early matures feel more popular with boys while late matures

feel less popular.

• Early matures are dated frequently while late matures have little

or no dates at all because they are less attractive.

• Early matures act more independently while late matures are

still dependent.

• Early matures are more likely to get into trouble while late ma

tures are less likely to get into trouble.

• Early matures take pride in their appearance while late matures

suffer from anxiety and self doubt.

It may be noted that both early and late maturation are advantageous as

well as disadvantageous.

For example a girl who matures early enjoys social recognition and acceptance

and as a result she can develop socially as long as she is emotionally

ready. However such recognition and acceptance may sometimes

facilitate her landing into trouble. For instance, being popular with boys

may result in frequent dating and this later may lead to premarital sex and

fi nally unwanted pregnancy. On the other hand, a late mature who is socially

unrecognized and unacceptable can enjoy the advantage of growing

up with less social pressure than do early maturing girls and chances

of getting into trouble are slim.

Comparison in boys

• Early maturing boys are more attractive to girls while late ma

turing boys are less attractive to girls.

• Since they appear more mature, early maturing boys are likely

to be chosen leaders while late maturing boys are less popular

with their peers and less likely to be chosen leaders.

• Early matures are less impulsive while late matures are more

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Adolescent psychology

impulsive.

• The mature behavior of early matures assists them to have or

show positive personality traits for example positive self-con

cept, feelings of adequacy, acceptance and unrebellious attitudes

while late matures have a negative self-concept, feelings of

inadequacy, dependency and rejection.

• Early matures develop more successful peer relationships while

late matures have less peer relationships.

• Early matures have a higher level of self –esteem while late

matures have low self esteem.

• Early matures have a lower attention span and are less talkative

while late matures have a higher attention span and are talkative.

There are both advantages and disadvantages of early and late maturation

in boys. As indicated boys who mature early enjoy high social status,

tend to be popular and to be leaders. Research has shown that many of

the advantages of early maturity are sustained in later life. Late matures

however have been found to be more creative, tolerant and perceptive.

This may be because of the trials and anxieties that they go through.

These problems help them to be better problem solvers.

PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF EARLY AND

LATE MATURATION

Biological changes which take place during puberty have a tremendous

effect on an adolescent psychologically. One of the changes for example

is menarche. Adolescent girls usually have psychological reactions to

physical appearance as well as menstruation. However a girl’s reaction

to menstruation could be a result of culture or how her parents view the

event.

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Adolescent psychology

In some cultures or families, girls are prepared ahead of time so that

when they reach puberty menstruation does not take them by surprise.

This is helpful in the sense that those who are prepared have a more positive

attitude towards menstruation and usually experience less distress

since research has shown that menarche involves physical discomfort

and may be disruptive.

Menarche and other physical changes in the body can have a psychological

effect on the adolescent girl. For instance, she can be upset especially

when she is not prepared for the changes or if her friends mock her. Secondly

early maturity means being forced to behave like an adult. On the

other hand, late matures also get affected psychologically. For example

a girl who matures late feels out of place when she is among mature

adolescents. Research has shown that girls who mature late worry about

whether their bodies will develop properly or whether they will be as

well endowed sexually as those around them.

It is worthy-pointing out at this time that psychologists have come up

with different views as regards early and late maturation. In as far as boys

are concerned; those who mature early tend to enjoy several advantages.

Early matures look more poised, more relaxed, more good-natured, less

affected. They tend to be more popular with peers and more likely to be

leaders, and less impulsive. Even though such is the case early matures

sometimes have problems living up to the expectations of others particularly

when they should act as they look. Unlike the early matures

boys who mature late tend to have a negative self-concept, feelings of

inadequacy, and dependency, and rebelliousness. Because of these many

disadvantages which come with late maturation, research has shown that

late matures are more talkative and hungrier for attention. Since late matures

feel and act more childish, they may benefi t from the longer period

of childhood when they do not have to deal with the new and different

demands of adolescence.

They again may be more fl exible.

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Adolescent psychology

In as far as cognitive ability is concerned research has indicated that by

adulthood, early maturing girls exhibit a high level of cognitive mastery

and coping skills partly because of their richer experience throughout

puberty.

On the other hand late maturing girls may fail to achieve the high level of

cognitive mastering and coping skills exhibited by early matures. Thus

the earlier the girl matures the higher the cognitive mastery. Scholars like

Atwater [1993] have indicated that ‘boys who mature early sometimes

fail to grow intellectually and socially at least through mid adolescence.

In addition the relative social neglect suffered by the late maturing boy,

together with the long period of puberty adjustment may also lead to

greater cognitive mastery and coping skills. This refl ects a difference between

boys and girls.

TRADITIONAL RITES OF PASSAGE

Western and most urbanized society provide no clear pattern of transition

to adulthood. In contrast, many primitive societies have formalized rites

of passage, or initiation ceremonies, to mark the adolescent’s assumption

of new, more adult social roles. Such ceremonies typically exist for both

boys and girls. According to Santrock [2001] rites of passage refer to

ceremonies or rituals that mark an individual’s transition from one status

to another, especially from childhood into adulthood. Among the Yao of

southern Malawi such ceremonies include Jando for boys and Msondo

for girls and among the Chewa of central Malawi the ceremonies are

engulfed within the Gule waMkulu rituals.

These ceremonies prepare adolescents for adult roles and responsibilities

offering a formal phase of socialization. Thus, new roles are assumed

by degree, causing minimal strain. The social internship that precedes

these rite de passage or developmental transition according to Nsame

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Adolescent psychology

nang (2000) is designed to cultivate virtuous character and instill values

of cooperation and generosity. Typically, the initiation of adolescent boys

[wonle ntsum for the Nso of Cameroon], including circumcision, is a collective

affair that marks the transition from the company of children and

women to that of adult men.

Circumcision as a prominent practice in rites of passage has both sexual

and spiritual meaning.

Circumcision may be done at the onset of puberty for hygienic reasons,

to test the endurance of the youth, to refl ect symbolic sacrifi ce, to sanctify

procreation, to symbolize incorporation into the community, to represent

symbolic castration by a father fi gure, or to express male envy of women’s

menstruation [Allen, 1967]. In some societies, the initiation of adolescent

girls [wonle ngon in Nso] is subtler and less public as it focuses

on training for profi ciency in housekeeping and societal reproduction.

The puberty rite marks the point at which adolescent boys and girls begin

to take their place in the jural, cultural, and ritual affairs of the society,

fi rst, as their parents’ representatives and later, in their own right, particularly

for boys (Erny, 1987).

The specifi c form the rite takes varies across societies and has been

reported in great detail by a vast but critical anthropological literature

[Burton and Whiting, 1961; Erny, 1968; Harrington 1968; Jahoda, 1982;

Whiting, 1965] that attests to the rite’s social signifi cance to the teenager’s

development.

At maturity, an African adolescent takes on the adult roles for which he

or she was being primed. An adolescent does not, however, automatically

attain adult status; full adulthood status requires being ‘married with children’

[Nsamenang 1992a]. The socialization of African youth is somehow

changing, being affected by the consequences of schooling and the

exigencies [urgent demands] of urbanization and commercialization.

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Among the Zuni Indians, according to Conger [1984], the initiation rites

of adolescents serve an important psychological function. Younger children

are taught to fear the displeasure of ‘scare Kachinas,’ or ‘punitive

masked gods,’ employed in tribal ceremonies, if they behave improperly.

Traditionally, when a boy is about 14 and considered responsible,

he undergoes an initiation rite at which he is ceremonially whipped with

strands of yucca by these ‘masked gods’- not as a physical punishment, of

which the Zuni disapprove, but as a rite of exorcism, ‘to take off the bad

happenings,’ and to make future events propitious [favorable]. Among

girls, initiation ceremonies are likely to center around the onset of menstruation,

‘which furnishes an obvious and dramatic signal of

approaching physiological maturity’.

Menarche for girls is considered a pubertal marker, while male pubertal

development does not include such a distinctive marker. Also, for boys

the rites of passage refl ect an introduction to the more ethereal world of

spirit and culture, while for girls the rites of passage are more likely to

refl ect natural phenomena such as menstruation. A common feature of

such ceremonies in a large number of societies is the seclusion of the

girl, especially from men. This seclusion may last for only a few days or

continue for several months.

In many instances the secluded girl receives special instruction from an

older woman in matters pertaining to sex and marriage. The teaching

generally ‘includes an explanation of the social regulations governing

proper conduct in sexual affairs, a description and sometimes demonstration

and pantomime [play based on a fairy tale] of the techniques of lovemaking,

advice on how to get along in married life, methods of avoiding

pregnancy, and what to expect in childbirth’. Information about modes

of dress may be passed on as well during the ceremony, and spirituality

is often included by associating femininity with the powers of the moon.

In such rites, it is not unusual for the girl’s clitoris to be removed. In

fact genital mutilation is part and parcel of initiation in most societies in

Kenya, Uganda and most African countries.

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Adolescent psychology

In some rites, girls are tortured or scared, while in others they are admired

and celebrated [Opler, 1972].

Typically, the conclusion of the period is marked by a feast or dance, at

which the girl, after bathing or going through ritual purifi cation, publicly

dons the clothes of a mature woman. In a nutshell the rite de passage

provides a forceful and discontinuous entry into the adult world at a time

when the adolescent is perceived to be ready for the change. In western

society however, a variety of laws according to Conger [1984] often

internally inconsistent, are about all that the societies have in the way

of institutionalized patterns of recognizing the adolescent’s increasing

independence.

Although universal formal ceremonies that mark the passage from adolescence

to adulthood may not be prevalent in western society; certain

religious and social groups do go through initiation ceremonies that indicate

an advance in maturity has been reached. The Jewish bar mitzvah,

the Catholic Confi rmation, and social debuts, for example are typical of

the rites. School graduation ceremonies come the closest to being rites of

passage in today’s world.

The high-school graduation ceremony is especially noteworthy, becoming

nearly universal for middle-class adolescents and increasing numbers

of adolescents from low-income families [Fasick, 1988]. Nonetheless,

high school graduation does not result in universal changes- many high

school graduates continue to live with their parents, continue to be economically

dependent on them, and continue to be undecided about career

and life-style directions. Therefore the absence of clear-cut rites of

passage make the attainment of adult status ambiguous in most western

societies.

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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT DURING

ADOLESCENCE

Characterized as a ‘zoologist by training, an epistemologist by vocation,

and a logician by method,’ Piaget is best known for his contributions

to developmental psychology. He regarded himself as an interdisplinary

thinker; perhaps the identifi cation ‘genetic epistemologist’ best described

his orientation. Epistemology is the branch of science concerned with

the methods, limits, and validity of knowledge. The term genetic is used

in the sense of genesis or development; indeed, Piaget did not study the

genes of his subjects, and the idea of genetic infl uences on the acquisition

of knowledge applies only in a very broad sense. In regard to the

nature-nurture controversy, Piaget was neither a maturationalist nor an

environmentalist, but is better characterized as an ‘interactionist’ or ‘constructionist’.

He came up with four stages of cognitive development.

• The sensorimotor

• Preoperational

• Concrete operational

• Formal operational

Each of Piaget’s four stages represent a stage in development of intelligence

[hence Sensorimotor intelligence, preoperational intelligence,

concrete operational intelligence, and formal operational intelligence]

and is a way of summarizing the various schemas a child has at a particular

time. The ages given are approximate, because children move through

the stages at different rates due to differences in both the environment

and their biological maturation. Children also pass through transitional

periods, in which their thinking is a mixture of two stages. The concept of

developmental ‘stage’ is often taken to mean that development is discontinuous.

But for Piaget, development is a gradual and continuous process

of change although later stages build on earlier ones [which is why

CHAPTER 4

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Adolescent psychology

sequence is invariant].

The sensorimotor stage

This is the period during infancy. Development at this stage is based on

information obtained from the senses [sensori] and from the actions or

body movements [motor] on the part of the infant. Infants learn about the

world primarily through the senses and by doing. The infant’s greatest

developmental achievement is the realization that objects in the environment

exist whether perceived or not. This basic understanding is called

object permanence. Infants begin to recognize that hidden objects do not

cease to exist.

A second major achievement or accomplishment at this stage is the beginning

of logical goal-directed actions. For example, if a child wants

to get what is in a covered container he or she may build a scheme as

follows:

• Get the lid off

• Turn the container upside down

• Shake if the item falls

• Watch the item fall on the fl oor

The child may also reverse this action by refi lling the container. But a

very young child will struggle to get the contents out. So the child moves

from refl ex action to goal directed activity.

The preoperational stage

This stage takes place during early childhood from 2-7 years. This period

is also denoted the preschool period. This is a stage before the child masters

logical and mental operations. These are actions carried out by thinking

them through instead of literally performing them. Because, the child

has not mastered these operations, hence the reference preoperational.

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Adolescent psychology

The fact however is that the child is moving towards mastery. According

to Piaget, the fi rst step from action to thinking is the internalization of actions.

This means, performing an action mentally not physically.

The fi rst type of thinking that is separate from action, involves making

an action scheme symbolic. So the ability to form and use the symbolic

– words, gestures, signs and images- is a major accomplishment at this

stage. This accomplishment moves children closer to mastering mental

operations. This ability to work with symbols such as using the word

[bicycle] or a [picture] of a bicycle that is not actually present is called

the sembiotic formation. During the preoperational stage there is rapid

development of the very important symbolic system---language.

As the child moves through this stage, the developing ability to think

about objects in symbolic form remains limited to thinking in one direction

only or using one-way logic. It is very diffi cult for the child to

think backwards---reverse thinking. According to Piaget, preoperational

children are egocentric. This is the tendency to see the world and the

experiences of others from one’s own perspective only. The child cannot

appreciate that other people might see things differently. Egocentrism

does not imply that the child is selfi sh however. Rather it simply means

children often assume that everyone else shares their feelings, reactions,

and perspectives. Furthermore egocentrism is also evident in the child’s

language. Children happily talk of what they are doing even though no

one is listening. This happens when a child is alone or with a group of

other children. In a group, each child talks enthusiastically without real

interaction or conversation. Piaget calls this the collective monologue.

Other weaknesses include transductive reasoning, animism and artifi cialism.

Transductive reasoning involves drawing an inference about the relationship

between two things based on a single shared attribute. An example

being cats must be dogs because they all have four legs. Animism refers

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Adolescent psychology

to the belief that all inanimate objects are alive. Artifi cialism is the belief

that natural features have been designed and constructed by people, for

example, the question ‘why is the sky blue?’ might produce an answer

from a preoperational child that ‘somebody painted it’.

Preoperational children also lack the abilities to apply:

• Conservation

• Classifi cation

• Seriation

The concrete operational stage

This stage takes place during the later primary to middle school years

from 7-11 years. The basic characteristics of this stage are:

• The recognition of the logical system of the physical world.

• The realization that elements can be changed or transformed but

still conserve many of their original characteristics.

• The understanding that these changes can be reversed.

• Operational thought is reversible----logical operations can be

reversed by canceling an operation.

• Operational thought is associative----thought is not limited to

one avenue.

In this stage mental tasks are tied to concrete objects and situations.

According to Piaget, a student’s ability to solve conservation problems

depends on the understanding of basic aspects of reasoning such as identity,

compensation and reversibility.

Conservation is the understanding that any quantity [e.g. number, liquid

quantity, length and substance], remains the same despite physical

changes in the arrangements of objects. Piaget believed that preopera

38

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Adolescent psychology

tional children cannot conserve because their thinking is dominated by

the perceptual nature of objects [appearance].

Elements of conservation include:

• Identity

• Compensation

• Reversibility

Identity

It is the principle that quantity or mass in objects remains the same over

time. For instance a round mould when reshaped into a sausage still retains

the same volume and characteristics regardless of the change. With

complete mastery of identity, the student knows that if nothing is added

or taken away the material remains the same.

Compensation

It is the principle that changes in one dimension can be offset by changes

in another as in changes in matter form from liquid to gas, solid to fl uid.

With an understanding of compensation the student knows that an apparent

change in one dimension can be compensated for by a change in

another dimension.

Reversibility

It is the ability to think things through a series of steps and return to the

starting point. The child is able to comprehend that if 1 + 3 = 4 then 4 – 3

= 1-----in other words he or she can reverse mathematical or any other

computations. With an understanding of reversibility the student can actually

cancel out the change that has been made.

A grasp of reversibility means that the student has mastered two-way

thinking.

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Adolescent psychology

Centration

Involves focusing on only a single perceptual quality at a time. In a test

of conservation a child is presented with two tubes of the same volume

but of different dimensions-----the other narrow but high and the other

squat but wide. Queried which has more liquid when liquid of the same

volume is poured into both of the two dimensionally different tubes:

A child in the preoperational stage would deduce the narrow one has more

liquid even though both have the same volume of liquid while a child in

the concrete operational stage would be able to understand that the two

have the same volume and hence hold the same amount of liquid.

This would be the case even when the situation was reversed. Preoperational

children lack the ability to decentre. As documented in the example

above they only focus on the perceptual nature in this case length and

height of the object.

Apart from conservation other important operations achieved at this stage

include:

• Classifi cation

• Seriation

Classifi cation

Classifi cation is the grouping of objects into categories. Classifi cation depends

on the student’s abilities to form simple characteristics of objects

in a set and group the objects according to their characteristics. Given a

mixture of fruits---mangoes, bananas, apples—the child is able to group

them into sets of [M], [B], and [A].

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Adolescent psychology

Seriation

Seriation is the process of making an orderly arrangement from large to

small or vice versa. The preoperational child has diffi culty arranging objects

on the basis of a particular dimension e.g. color, length and shape.

With abilities to handle operations like conservation, classifi cation and

seriation; the student has fi nally developed a complete and very logical

system of thinking. This system of thinking is, however, tied to physical

reality. The concrete operational child is not yet able to reason about

hypothetical, abstract problems that involve the coordination of many

factors at once.

The formal operational stage

Piaget’s formal operations include, among others, the use of propositional

thinking, combinatorial analysis, proportional reasoning, probabilistic

reasoning, correlational reasoning, and abstract reasoning. The concept

formal implies that what matters is form and logic rather than content.

With the progression through these stages, mental operations become increasingly

more abstract, more complex, more logical, and the boundaries

of the mental structures become more permeable and

thus, provide thought processes with greater fl exibility.

This stage takes place during junior and senior secondary school from 11-

15 years and older yet not all people acquire this level of abstract/logical

thinking. This stage deals with mental tasks involving abstract thinking

and coordination of a number of variables. All the earlier operations and

abilities continue and are integrated. The focus of thinking shifts from

what is to what might be. Situations do not have to be experienced to be

imagined. A student at this stage attains hypothetical deductive reasoning

as a major achievement at this stage.

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Adolescent psychology

This is a formal operations problem-solving strategy in which an individual

begins by identifying all the factors that might affect a problem and

then deduces and systematically evaluates specifi c solutions, for example

moving from general to specifi c.

Adolescent thought is thus more abstract than child thought. Adolescents

are no longer limited to actual, concrete experiences as anchors for

thought. They can conjure up make-believe situations, events that are

strictly hypothetical possibilities or purely abstract propositions, and try

to reason logically about them. The abstract quality of the adolescent’s

thought at the formal operational level is evident in the adolescent’s verbal

problem-solving ability. While the concrete operational thinker would

need to see the concrete elements A, B, and C to be able to make the logical

inference that if A= B and B= C then A= C, the formal operational

thinker can solve this problem merely through verbal presentation. This

refl ects a reasoning ability connoted Transitive inference: the ability to

solve problems verbally and logically.

Furthermore children who function at the concrete operational stage cannot

solve the transitive inference problem if it is placed on a purely verbal

and hypothetical plane e.g. ‘John is taller than Mary, Mary is taller than

Jane. Who is the tallest?’ They are unable to consider all the possible

combinations in relation to the whole problem [Harris and Butterworth,

2002].

Another indication of the abstract quality of the adolescent’s thought

is his or her increased tendency to think about thought itself. One adolescent

commented, ‘I began thinking about why I was thinking what I

was, then I began thinking about why I was thinking about why I was

thinking about why I was’. If that sounds abstract, it is, and it characterizes

the adolescent’s enhanced focus on thought and its abstract qualities.

Accompanying the abstract nature of formal operational thought in

adolescence is thought full of idealism and possibilities. While children

frequently think in concrete ways, or in terms of what is real and limited,

adolescents begin to engage in extended speculation about ideal characteristics-

qualities they desire in themselves and in others.

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Adolescent psychology

Such thoughts often lead adolescents to compare themselves and others

in regard to such ideal standards. And during adolescence, the thoughts

of individuals are often fantasy fl ights into future possibilities. It is not

unusual for the adolescent to become impatient with these newfound ideal

standards and become perplexed over which of many ideal standards

to adopt. It is sometimes said that the adolescent’s thought is more like

a scientist’s than a child’s. This implies that the adolescent often entertains

many possibilities and tests many solutions in a planned way when

having to solve a problem. This kind of problem solving as already alluded

to has been called hypothetical deductive reasoning. Basically this

means that in solving a problem, an individual develops hypotheses or

hunches about what will be a correct solution to the problem, and then

in a planned manner tests one or more of the hypotheses, discarding the

ones that do not work.

Adolescents can thus think about possibilities, think through hypothesis,

think ahead, think about thought and engage in perspective thinking.

Perspective thinking relates to the awareness that different people

have different thoughts about the same situation. While children are egocentric

adolescents are socio-centric. According to Muuss [1996] adolescents

not only think beyond the present but analytically refl ect about

their own thinking. Piaget calls this type of reasoning ‘second-degree

thinking’ which involves operations that produce ‘thinking about thinking’,

‘statements about statements’, or more signifi cantly ‘operations on

operations’.

The other distinctive property of formal thought is the reversal of direction

between reality and possibility. A type of thinking which proceeds

from what is possible to what is empirically real [Inhelder and Piaget,

1958].

Combinational systems of operations defi ned as the matrix of all possible

combinations of all possible values of all possible variables inherent in

the problem also constitutes formal operations. Combinational analysis

can be exemplifi ed by an experiment requesting to determine which combination

of fi ve chemicals produces a yellowish-brown liquid and which

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Adolescent psychology

returns the liquid to its original colorless state.

Yet another cognitive ability attained at this stage is Propositional analysis

entailing the ability to follow and understand logical deductions in the

light of two premises---one specifi c, the other general---- and a conclusion.

E.g. :

A] All human beings are mortal.

John is a human being.

Therefore John is mortal.

B] All planets orbit the sun.

The earth is a planet.

Therefore the earth orbits the sun.

ELKIND: IMMATURE ASPECTS OF

ADOLESCENT THOUGHT

According to David Elkind [1967, 1976, 1978] two important aspects of

thinking about the self and others that develop in adolescence are egocentrism

and perspective taking. David Elkind believes two types of thinking

represent the emergence of egocentrism in adolescents. These are the

imaginary audience and the personal fable. Imaginary audience is the

belief that others are as pre-occupied with the adolescent’s behavior as he

or she is. Attention-seeking behavior, so common in early adolescence,

may refl ect this interest in an, imaginary audience, that is the desire to be

noticed, visible, and on stage.

Particularly during early adolescence, individuals see themselves as constantly

on stage, believing they are the main actors and all others are

the audience. The construction personal fable on the other hand refers to

the adolescent’s sense of personal uniqueness and indestructibility. Their

sense of personal uniqueness makes them feel that no one can understand

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Adolescent psychology

how they really feel that they are special. Another aspect of the personal

fable involves the belief that one is indestructible. This results in feelings

of invulnerability or insusceptibility and therefore risk-taking behaviors

such as alcoholism/drug and substance abuse as well as sexual promiscuity.

For reasons likely tied to an emerging interest in idealism and the

ability to think in more abstract and hypothetical ways, young adolescents

often get caught up in a mental world far removed from reality. This

may entail the belief that things just can’t or won’t happen to them and

that they are omnipotent and indestructible.

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Adolescent psychology

MORAL REASONING IN ADOLESCENTS

INTRODUCTION

The issue of rightness and wrongness is a complex phenomenon.

Whether a given action is acceptable or unacceptable may depend on

many factors including the specifi c circumstances involved, legal consideration

and own personal code of ethics. Moral development is the

process by which individuals acquire a sense of right and wrong, to use

in evaluating their own actions and the actions of others [Turiel, 1998].

Moral development begins early and continues throughout the life span.

Theories of moral development attempt to fi nd answers to moral issues

and how children reason or respond to moral dilemmas and how their

moral growth is stimulated.

PIAGET’S THEORY

One of the earliest theories of moral development was put forward by

Jean Piaget. Piaget theorized that the way humans think out moral issues

depends on their level of cognitive development. In essence there is a

direct relationship between cognitive development and moral development.

According to Piaget young children are egocentric. That is to say they

have diffi culty taking others’ perspective into consideration. This tendency

is typical of children below the age of seven or in Piaget’s pre-operational

stage of cognitive development. Children at this age gener

ally believe that rules are infl exible mandates provided by some higher

authorities, are arbitrary and cannot be changed. Breaking a rule will automatically

lead to punishment.

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Young children tend to judge the gravity or wrongness of an action depending

on how much harm has been made regardless of the motive or

intention behind an action. For instance a child who intentionally breaks

1 cup while trying to steal sugar is considered to have committed a lesser

offence than another who breaks 15 cups accidentally while opening the

cupboard door. Piaget called this kind of morality heteronomous morality

or morality that is subject to rules imposed by others where a child shows

blind obedience to authority. The child perceives justice as resting in the

person of authority; this idea is referred to as ‘ethics of authority’. The

period is also referred to as moral realism or the morality of constraint,

characterized by the view that rules are absolute.

After age eight children are able to understand that rules are not absolute

but are rather formed through social consensus and are thus subject to

change ----are tentative. In the case of infraction or violation of a rule older

children are now capable of considering whether the individual acted intentionally---

they consider the motive behind the action. Piaget referred

to this stage as morality of co-operation—the level at which children understand

that people both make up rules and can change the rules, which

are now seen as a product of people’s agreements. This stage refl ects

the change to a social orientation, an ‘ethics of mutual respect’. Moral

judgments shift from an objective to a subjective orientation: the primary

concern is no longer simply the objective amount of damage caused by

the immoral act, but the intention or motivation now becomes more important.

Children now appreciate the reciprocity of relationships.

For Piaget, the highest stage of moral development, characteristic of adolescence,

is moral autonomy. Dependent on the attainment of formal or

abstract reasoning ability, moral autonomy commonly begins at puberty.

In a game situation, like monopoly, chess, dominos- the adolescent reveals

interest not only in the rules by which the game is played but also

in possible new rules to make the game more interesting or more challenging.

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KOHLBERG’S THEORY OF MORAL

DEVELOPMENT

Kohlberg developed his theory of moral development in the 1950s.

Like Piaget, he proposed three levels of moral development. The fi rst

level, which he called Pre conventional, is where moral reasoning is

based solely on a person’s own needs and perceptions. The second level,

Conventional is where the expectations of society and law are taken into

account. The last level, Post Conventional is where judgments are based

on abstract, more personal principles that are not necessarily defi ned by

society rules. Each of these levels is then divided into two stages.

Kohlberg used moral dilemmas which required diffi cult ethical choices

to assess the levels of reasoning in children at different ages. He was not

especially interested in the specifi c choices children or adults made but

their underlying moral reasoning in those choices.

Level 1

Children think in terms of external authority. Rules are absolute; acts are

wrong because they are punished or right because they are rewarded.

----- Pre conventional morality

Stage 1

The punishment obedience orientation

• Punishment and obedience are an individual’s main concerns.

• The main motivation for obeying a rule is to avoid punishment

and achieve gratifi cation.

• Being right means obeying authority.

Stage 2

The instrumental-relativist orientation/ Personal reward

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• The individual adopts an orientation of individualism and ex

change.

• Rules are followed if they are in the individual’s best interest.

• Deals and compromises with others are sometimes used to solve

problems.

• Revealing a hedonistic orientation, morally right behavior

depends on what satisfi es one’s own desires.

• In both stages in level1- the child is egoistic/ a hedonist.

• Everyone has the right to do what he wants with himself and his

possessions, even though his behaviour confl icts with the rights

of others.

Level 2

Judgments at this stage are based on the conventions of friends, family

and society and on their approval.

-----Conventional Morality

Stage 3

The interpersonal-concordance orientation/Good boy or Good girl orientation

• Moral reasoning is guided by mutual interpersonal expectations

and conformity.

• People try to do what is expected of them.

• The concern is to meet external social expectation.

• Concept of ‘right’ is there but nobody has the right to do evil.

• Intentions become more important in judging a person’s

behaviour.

Stage 4

Authority and social order-maintaining orientation/Law and order orientation

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• Individuals place importance on the social system, including

laws, and on fulfi lling obligations.

• There is strong belief in law, order, duty and legitimate

authority.

• The observance of the golden rule------do unto others as you

would have others do unto you-----is often the criterion in

making moral judgments.

• Maintaining the established order for its own sake.

Level 3-

Moral thinking involves working out a personal code of ethics or self

accepted moral principle. Acceptance of rules is less rigid----one might

not comply with some of the society’s rules if they confl ict with personal

ethics.

-----Post conventional morality

Stage 5

The social-contract legalistic orientation

• People recognize and try to balance the importance of both

social contracts and individual rights.

• Moral behavior refl ects a concern for the welfare of the larger

community and a desire for community respect.

• More fl exible understanding that we obey rules because they are

necessary for social order but the rules could be changed if there

were better alternatives.

Stage 6

The universal-ethical principle orientation/Morality of individual principle

and conscience

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• Behaviours conform to internal principles [justice and equal

ity] to avoid self-condemnation and sometimes may violate

society’s rules—motivation is feeling right with oneself.

• Individuals adopt an orientation towards universal principles of

justice, which exist regardless of a particular society’s rules.

• Reasoning assumes a conscience that is based on self chosen

ethical principles that place the highest value on human life,

equality and dignity.

• Civil disobedience is not out of disrespect for law and order, but

out of respect for a morality higher than the existing law.

• Visionaries or moral leaders such as Abraham Lincoln, Nelson

Mandela, and Martin Luther displayed this form of morality.

Evaluating Kohlberg’s theory

Kohlberg’s theory has generated enormous interest. It is the most nearly

complete theory of moral development and psychologists have found that

moral development in many situations seems to proceed roughly along

the lines Kohlberg suggested even in other cultures such as Turkey and

Israel.

But the theory has not gone without any criticism.

First, the scoring of scenarios is somewhat subjective and can

lead to errors of interpretation. Kohlberg used moral dilemas or

scenarios and respondents were categorized into a moral level

or stage according to their response to the scenario or moral

dilemma. There was no objectivity in such a criteria due to the

fact that classifi cations depended on the researcher’s perceptions

of the response.

Second, stages of moral development seem to be less domain general

than Kohlberg’s theory suggests [Kurtines & Greif, 1974]. The level of

people’s responses may vary, depending on the particular scenario to

which they respond. In essence given different scenarios or dilemmas,

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people’s responses may render them classifi ed into different stages which

may rather compromise the reliability and validity of the theory. Further,

evidence indicates that, contrary to the assumption of stage theories, people

may regress to earlier stages of moral reasoning under certain circumstances

such as under stress.

Third, Kohlberg’s own fi nding that people can regress in their behavior

points out the weak link that often exists between thought/reasoning and

action/behavior. [Kurtines & Greif].

The link between moral thought and moral behaviour is often

weak –thought/reasoning does not necessarily translate into behaviour.

Kohlberg needless to say put too much emphasis on moral thought than

on moral behaviour.

Moral judgment/reasoning/thought refers to the intellectual or reasoning

ability to evaluate the ‘goodness’ or ‘rightness’ of a course of action

in a hypothetical situation. Moral behavior refers to the individual’s ability

in a real – life situation to resist the temptation to commit immoral

acts. Someone may indeed nurture a higher level of moral development,

but not act in ways consistent with that understanding. This inconsistency

is an element of cognitive dissonance in social psychology refl ecting

a discrepancy often existing between attitude/thought/reasoning and

subsequent behaviour. The implication here is therefore that people in

essence often ‘preach what they themselves do not practice’.

Forth, the theory was originally validated on a relatively small sample

of white, middle-class American males less than 17 years of age. Thus

the theory is androgenic or centered on males. Although some investigators

have found cross-cultural support for Kohlberg’s theory, others have

found that in certain circumstances, such as the lifestyle of

the communal Israeli kibbutz what is viewed as a higher level of morality

differs from the value systems Kohlberg suggested. Apart from that

the theory is ethnocentric [perspective biased towards one’s culture and

judging others basing thereof] and eurocentric [that is biased towards the

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west] where people are generally individualistic hence lacking a cosmopolitan

perspective. It may therefore not apply in communal or collective

societies because of its parochial nature. It is also argued that the scenario

or dilemma responses were somewhat based on intuition that is instinctive

knowledge or insight without conscious reasoning.

Fifth Kohlberg emphasized on cognitive reasoning about morality but

overlooked other aspects of moral maturity such as character and virtue

that operate to solve moral problems in everyday life [Walker and Pitts,

1998; Woolfolk, 2000]. The theory does not differentiate between social

convention and moral issues in which an example of a convention

may be- receive things with both hands and an example of a moral issue

maybe- do not steal.

Finally Kohlberg also fails to adequately refl ect the connectedness with

and concern for others in individuals. Carol Gilligan [1982, 1985] argues

that Kohlberg’s theory emphasizes a justice perspective that is a focus on

the rights of the individual rather than a care perspective that sees people

in terms of their connectedness.

GILLIGAN’S ALTERNATIVE TO

KOHLBERG’S THEORY

Carol Gilligan [1982] has proposed one alternative model of moral development

arising from the criticisms to Kohlberg’s theory. She suggested

that women tend to have a different conception of morality than do

men.

According to Gilligan, whereas men tend to focus on abstract, rational

principles such as justice and respect for the rights of others, women tend

to view morality more in terms of caring and compassion.

They are more concerned with issues of general human welfare and how

relationships can contribute to it and be strengthened.

In particular women seem better able to show empathy, or the ability to

understand how another person feels, when interacting with others. In

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general men tend to have a more competitive orientation, women a more

co-operative orientation. Gilligan conducted several studies before she

came up with her stage theory of moral development for women. Unlike

Kohlberg’s study which used males only, Gilligan used adolescents

both girls and boys aged 10-15 in her study. Thus her theory was not androgenic.

However like Kohlberg she also used hypothetical dilemmas.

One popular dilemma was the story of the porcupine, which went on like

this:

A porcupine [nungu] was seeking refuge from the cold and asked to share

a cave with the mole [mphuko] family. The moles agreed but the cave

was too small, such that each time porcupine moved, its spikes scratched

the moles. Moles complained bitterly and asked porcupine to leave their

cave. But the porcupine refused and instead asked the moles to leave if

they felt uncomfortable.

When the adolescents were asked what they thought of the situation?

Boys were quick to seek justice. Porcupine should leave because that is

moles’ house. But girls looked for solutions that would take care of both

of them. They suggested covering the porcupine with a blanket. From

this study Gilligan concluded that:

• Women are more concerned with caring than men.

• What looks like weakness in women portrays their moral strength- caring

is more virtuous than justice.

Gilligan like Kohlberg also thinks that moral development has three basic

levels. She calls Level 1- preconventional morality, which refl ects a

concern for self and survival. Level 11- conventional morality, shows a

concern for being responsible and caring for others. Level 111- postconventional

morality, shows a concern for self and others as interdependent.

Gilligan believes that Kohlberg underemphasized the care perspective

in the moral development of both males and females and that morality’s

highest level for both sexes involves a search for moral equality between

oneself and others [Muuss, 1988].

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PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

DURING ADOLESCENCE

INTRODUCTION

THE SELF AND IDENTITY

Adolescents carry with them a sense of who they are and what makes

them different from everyone else. This sense of who an individual is

and what makes him or her different from others is referred to as selfidentity.

Adolescents cling to this identity and develop a sense that the

identity is becoming more stable. Real or imagined, an adolescent’s developing

sense of self and uniqueness is a motivating force in life. The

two concepts comprising the word self-identity are self and identity.

THE SELF

Early in psychology’s history, William James [1890] distinguished two

intimately intertwined aspects of the self. The self as subject [the I self]

and the self as object [the me self] and there are four major distinctions

between the two aspects according to James:

Firstly the I self is the actor or knower, the me self is the object of what is

known or one’s knowledge of oneself [an empirical aggregate of things

objectively known].

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• Secondly the I self is the active observer, and the me self is the ob

served [the object of the observing process].

• Thirdly the I self conveys the sense of independence, agency, and

volit ion and the me self conveys a sense of dependency.

• Forth some researchers refer to the I self as the existential self and the

me self as the categorical self.

Development proceeds in a sequence from the existential to the categorical

self which is considered a duality according to Lewis and Brooks-

Gunn [1979]. That is from a conception that I am, I exist, and to what or

who I am [Lapsey & Rice, 1988; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979]. The task

of developing the I self that is the self as subject, is to develop the realization

that it is ‘existential’ in that it exists as separate from others. The me

self, namely, the self as object, is referred to as ‘categorical’ in that the

developing child must construct categories by which to defi ne himself or

herself [e.g., age and gender labels].

Lewis [1991, 1994] further refers to the I self as ‘subjective self-awareness’

since when attention is directed away from the self to external objects,

people, and events one is the subject of consciousness. In contrast,

the ‘idea of me’ can also be described as ‘objective self-awareness’ which

involves focusing on the self as the object of consciousness. James also

identifi ed particular features or components of both the I self and the me

self.

Components of the I self include:

1.Self-awareness that is an appreciation for one’s internal status, needs,

thoughts and emotions.

2. Self-agency that is the sense of the authorship over one’s thoughts

and actions.

3. Self-continuity that is the sense that one remains the same person

over time.

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4. Self-coherence that is a stable sense of the self as a single, coherent,

bounded entity.

Components of the me self include the:

1. Material me – the body as fl esh.

2. Social me- the self that interacts with others.

3. Spiritual me- what in theology is considered the soul.

Self-concept and self-esteem

An increasing number of clinicians and developmentalists believe that

the core of the self—its basic inner organization, is derived from regularities

in experience [Kohut, 1977; Strobe, 1988]. Individuals carry forward

a history of experiences with caregivers that provide the adolescent

with expectations about whether the world is pleasant or not. And in adolescence,

the individual continues to experience the positive or negative

affect of social agents.

Despite developmental changes and context changes [increased peer

contact, a wider social world] an important feature of the self’s health

development is continuity in care-giving and support, especially in the

face of environmental challenges and stresses. Many clinicians stress that

diffi culties in interpersonal relationships derive from low self-esteem,

which in turn derives from a lack of nurturance and support [Bowlby,

1988; Erickson, 1968, Rogers, 1961, Sullivan, 1953].

Carl Rogers and Susan Harter’s views of self concept

and self esteem

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Carl Rogers and Susan Harter’s view has been instrumental in promoting

the importance of self-concept in the adolescent’s development and

the role of nurturance and support in achieving a health self-concept.

Like Sigmund Freud, Rogers and Harter [1961, 1980] began their inquiry

about human nature with troubled personalities.

They explored the human potential for change. In the knotted, anxious,

defensive verbal stream of his clients, Rogers for instance concluded that

individuals are prevented from becoming who they are. Rogers believed

that most individuals have considerable diffi culty developing their own

true feelings which are innately positive. As children grow up signifi cant

others condition them to move away from these positive feelings. Parents,

siblings, teachers, and peers place constraints on the adolescent’s behavior.

Thus, Rogers believed that adolescents are the victims of conditional

personal/positive regard meaning that love and praise are not given unless

the adolescent conforms to parental or social standards. The result,

says Rogers, is that the adolescent’s self – esteem is lowered. Through

the individual’s experience with the world, a self emerges.

Rogers considered the congruency between the real self, that is, the self

as it really is as a result of one’s experiences, and the ideal self which is

the self an individual would like to be. The greater the discrepancy between

the real self and the ideal self, the more maladjusted the individual

will be, said Rogers. To improve their adjustment, adolescents can develop

more positive perceptions of their real self, not worry so much about

what others want and increase their positive experiences in the world.

In such ways, the adolescent’s ideal and real self will be more closely

aligned. Rogers thought that each adolescent should be valued regardless

of the adolescent’s behavior. Even when the adolescent’s behavior is

obnoxious, below standards of acceptance, or inappropriate, adolescents

need the respect, comfort and love of others.

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When these positive behaviors are given without contingency, it is known

as unconditional personal/positive regard. Rogers strongly believed that

unconditional positive regard elevates the adolescent’s self worth and

positive self-regard. Unconditional positive regard is directed at the adolescent

as a human being of worth and dignity, not to the adolescent’s

behavior which might not deserve positive regard.

Strength of perspective

The view sensitized psychologists to the importance of self-perceptions,

to the considering of the whole individual and the individual’s positive

nature, and to the power of self understanding in improving human relations

and communication with others.

Weakness

Critics point out that while it is well and good to have a positive view of

development, Rogers’s view is almost, too optimistic, possibly overestimating

the freedom and rationality of individuals. Critics also argue that

the approach encourages self love or narcissism. A major weakness is

that it is extremely diffi cult to test scientifi cally.

In general self concept is the sum total of an individual’s feelings and

perceptions about one self while self esteem is an evaluation and effective

dimension of one’s self concept---an evaluation of one’s worth.

IDENTITY

Who am I? What am I all about? What is different about me?

Not usually considered during childhood, these questions surface as

common, virtually universal, concerns during adolescence. Adolescents

clamor for solutions to these questions that revolve around the concept of

identity. According to Erickson [1961] in Identity- Youth and Crisis it is

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Adolescent psychology

necessary to differentiate between personal identity and ego identity.

The conscious feeling of having a personal identity is based on two simultaneous

observations- the perception of the self-sameness and continuity

of one’s existence in time and space and the perception of the fact

that others recognize one’s sameness and continuity.

Ego identity on the other hand concerns more than the mere fact of existence;

it is, as it were, the ego quality of this existence.

The ego is the conscious mind of the individual. Ego identity then, in its

subjective aspect, is the awareness of the fact that there is a self sameness

and continuity to the ego’s synthesizing methods, the ‘style of one’s individuality,

and that this style coincides with the sameness and continuity

of one’s meaning for signifi cant others.’

Erickson and Identity

That today we believe identity is a key concept in understanding the lives

of adolescents is a result of Erick Erickson’s masterful thinking and analysis.

Erickson [1950, 1968] believed identity versus identity/role confusion is

the fi fth of life’s eight stages occurring at about the same time as adolescence.

During adolescence, world views become important to the individual,

who enters what Erickson calls a psychological moratorium----a gap between

childhood security and adult autonomy. Like all stages in Erickson’s

theory the stage is characterized by a confl ict with the possibility of

bipolar outcomes.

Erickson suggests that the individual must actually experience both sides

of the confl ict and must learn to subsume them into higher synthesis.

If the confl ict is worked out in a constructive, satisfactory manner, the

syntonic or positive quality becomes the more dominant part of the ego

and enhances further healthy development through the subsequent stages.

For Erickson, the growth of a positive self-concept is directly linked to

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the psychosocial stage resolution that constitutes the core of the theory.

However, if the confl ict persists past its time, or is resolved unsatisfactorily,

the dystonic or negative quality is incorporated into the personality

structure.

In the case of adolescents, the dystonic or negative attribute will interfere

with further development and may manifest itself in impaired self-concept,

adjustment problems and possibly psychopathology. In essence this

explains the interplay with risk-taking behavior aptly typifi ed by sexual

promiscuity and deviance.

SOME CONTEMPORARY THOUGHTS ABOUT

IDENTITY

Contemporary views of identity development suggest several important

considerations.

• First, identity development is a lengthy process, in many instances a

more gradual, less cataclysmic/ violent upheaval/abrupt transition than

Erickson’s term crisis implies.

• Second, identity development is extraordinarily complex [Marcia, 1980,

1987]. Identity formation neither begins nor ends with adolescence. It

begins with the appearance of attachment, the development of a sense

of self, and the emergence of independence in the family, and reaches its

fi nal phase with a life review and integration in old age. Resolution of

the identity issue at adolescence does not mean that identity will be stable

through the remainder of life. An individual who develops a healthy

identity is fl exible and adaptive, open to changes in society, in relationships

and in careers. This openness assures numerous re-organizations of

identity’s contents throughout the identity-achieved individual’s life.

• Third identity formation does not happen neatly and it usually does not

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happen abruptly. At the bare minimum, it involves commitment to a vocational

direction, an ideological stance, and a sexual orientation.

Identity development gets done in bits and pieces.

Decisions are not made once and for all, but have to be made again and

again. And the decisions may seem trivial at the time; whom to date,

whether or not to break up, whether or not to have intercourse, whether

or not to use contraceptives.

Marcia on identity

In an extension of Erickson’s work James Marcia [1966, 1980, 1991]

proposed four statuses of adolescent identity formation, which characterize

the search for an identity- identity achievement, foreclosure, identity

diffusion, and moratorium. The four kinds of identities are possible combinations

of yes-no answers to two questions:

• Has the person engaged in an active search for identity?

• Has the person made commitments? [for example, to values, to school,

to a job or career path, to who he or she wants to be as a person, or to

other aspects of his or her identity]

Diffusion

Diffusion literally means confusion. The individual hasn’t really started

thinking about issues seriously, let alone formulated goals, or made any

commitments and this represents the least mature statuse. Lacking direction;

unconcerned about political, religious, moral, or even occupational

issues; does things without questioning why; unconcerned why others do

what they are doing.

Foreclosure

Foreclosure literally means adopting another’s position without forethought.

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The individual has avoided the uncertainties and anxieties of crisis by

quickly and prematurely committing to safe and conventional goals and

beliefs. Commitment to occupation and various ideological positions; little

evidence of the process of self construction; adopted the values of

others without seriously searching and questioning; foreclosed on the

possibility of achieving own identity. Alternatives haven’t been seriously

considered.

Moratorium

Moratorium literally means a delay. The individual is at the height of the

crisis and as described by Erickson, decisions about identity are postponed

while the individual tries out alternative identities without committing

to any particular one. Currently experiencing an identity crisis or

turning point; no clear commitments to society; no clear sense of identity;

actively trying to achieve identity.

Identity achievement

Achievement literally means success. The individual has experienced a

crisis but has emerged successful with fi rm commitment to goals and

ideologies.

Firm and secure sense of self; commitments to occupation, religion,

thought and cultural ideology, beliefs about sex roles and the like; the

views, beliefs, and values of others have been considered but own resolution

reached.

This represents the most mature statuse. According to Kalat [1990] the

individual has experienced several crises in exploring and choosing be

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Adolescent psychology

tween life’s alternatives but fi nally arrived at a commitment or investment

of the self in those choices. Although identity moratorium is a prerequisite

for identity achievement, Marcia doesn’t see the four statuses as

Erickson type stages.

An illustration of the answers to the two aforementioned questions resulting

in categorization into a statuse may be as below:

Has the person made commitments to values?

Has the person engaged in an active search for identity?

YES NO

YES

Identity achievement Moratorium

NO

Foreclosure Identity diffusion

SEXUALITY AND ACHIVEMENT

Among the many developmental events that characterize puberty and the

onset of adolescence, none is more dramatic, or more challenging to the

young person’s emerging sense of identity, than the changes associated

with sexual development. Bodily dimensions of boys and girls become

increasingly differentiated, as boys develop broader shoulders and show

a greater overall gain in muscle development, and girls undergo breast

development and develop more rounded hips [Conger, 1984]. Girls experience

their fi rst menstruation and boys their fi rst ejaculation.

In both sexes genital organs- the penis and scrotum in boys, the clitoris,

vagina, and labia in girls- increase in size, and pubic hair develops.

All of these physical changes require new adjustments on the part of the

young person and lead to a changing self-image.

Furthermore, although sexuality in the broadest sense is a lifelong part

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of being human, the hormonal changes that accompany puberty lead to

stronger sexual feelings, although there may be considerable diversity

in the ways these feelings are expressed in different individuals and in

the same individual at different times. Adolescents may fi nd themselves

‘thinking more about sex, getting sexually aroused more easily, even at

times feeling preoccupied with sex’. Or they may fi nd themselves excited

by and involved in other interests, and not be particularly aware of sexual

feelings. At the same age, one adolescent may be involved in sexual experimentation,

another may not; one may be in love and going steady,

another may feel that it is much too early for such commitments and may

prefer to play the fi eld.

Despite such individual variations, integrating sexuality meaningfully,

and with as little confl ict and disruption as possible, with other aspects of

the young person’s developing sense of self and of relations with others

is a major developmental task for both boys and girls.

How adequately this task is ultimately handled- the extent to which it becomes

a source of joy or despair, of challenge and success, or failure and

defeat- depends on many factors, ranging from the complexities of early

parent-child relationships to contemporary social standards and values

[Conger, 1984]. In terms of a cross-cultural perspective, in a recent investigation

by Daniel Offer and his colleagues [1988] , the sexual attitudes

of adolescents in 10 countries were sampled: Australia, Bangladesh,

Hungary, Israel, Italy, Japan, Taiwan, Turkey, and the United States.

Adolescents in two countries- Turkey and Taiwan- showed extremely

conservative attitudes toward sex.

In traditional cultures such as Turkey and Taiwan, adolescents feel very

uncomfortable about sex and feel extremely anxious about it. Nonetheless,

in all of the countries studied, having a boyfriend or a girlfriend

was viewed as important by the adolescents, especially in West Germany

[where 82% rated this important compared to only 73% of the United

States adolescents].

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Blum [1945] contends that sexual maturity brings in its wake a wave of

disturbances not only in the sexual realm but also in the broader phenomena

of social behavior. The adolescent, fl ooded by his own resurgent

impulses, must regroup the defensive forces of his ego in an attempt to

meet his new onslaught.

According to psychoanalytic theory, individuals at any age may experience

an inability to handle impulses, subdue anxiety or to delay gratifi -

cation, but the maturation of sexual impulses, makes adolescence especially

stressful.

A review of research [Swanson, 1996; Roger, 1969; Hill, 1998; Hendry,

2001] suggests that adolescent girls experience more emotional disturbances

about sexuality than boys. However, Fiedenberg [1996] believes

boys are more emotional and female less emotional than commonly believed.

Boys are moodier, more intense, and more mystical almost.

If either sex experiences stress due to sexuality, the question is what sort

of help is required? Is it society itself that needs adjustment for its failure

to provide a suitable niche? Sexuality in defi nition is an aspect of selfreferring

to one’s erotic thoughts, actions and orientation. As children

acquire knowledge about male and female and about the roles sexuality

expects them, they also become increasingly aware of their own sexuality.

During adolescence, the lives of males and females become dominated

by sexuality.

Sexuality as may be noted, involves the development of sexual identity,

attitudes and sexual behavior.

Adolescence is a time of sexual exploration, experimentation and investigation

into sexual fantasies and realities. Adolescents have high curiosity

about their sexuality. They continually think about whether they are sexually

attractive, whether anyone will love them or whether they will ever

have children or whether it is normal to have sex. For most adolescents

sexual experiences can be both enjoyable and painful. However what is

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important is the development of correct sexual attitudes and responsible

sexual behavior among adolescents.

The development of correct sexual attitudes and behavior among adolescents

is critical, because adolescents should be able to act responsibly

and prevent themselves from the negative effects of sex such as unwanted

pregnancy, sexually transmitted disease and other social-moral

problems.

CHAPTER 7

THE CHANGING MALAWIAN FAMILY TODAY AND

ITS IMPLICATION ON THE ADOLESCENT

In many societies including Malawi, families have undergone tremendous

transformation in size, structure, and nature of relationships between parents

and their youths. These changes have tended to affect adolescent

trends of development signifi cantly at home, and in the school and as

they become adults. One thing that is noteworthy is the process of socialization

between parents and their adolescents. Until recently, the process

was viewed as a one way process in which adolescents were considered

to be the product of their parents’ socialization techniques. In contrast,

the socialization process between parents and their adolescents is now

viewed as reciprocal in which adolescents socialize parents and parents

equally socialize adolescents.

This process is known as reciprocal socialization. Reciprocal socialization

is dependent upon the nature of parent-adolescent and the way that

the relationship revolves.

In Malawi, the family with its social structure has experienced a marked

decline in reciprocal socialization. This, as may be conceived has resulted

from socio-economic development and the infl uence from foreign

cultures.

For instance parents now spend less time with their adolescent children

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than before. The major changes in Malawian families that have a major

impact on parent-adolescent relations are.

• The working parents

• Growth of the nuclear family

• Divorce, single parenthood and foster parenthood

• Changing parenting techniques

• Gender issues in the family

THE WORKING PARENT

Socio-economic development in Malawi has led to urban growth and

an increase in migration from rural to urban areas in search of employment

and better life. However due to the decline in family income and

the increase in poverty in most families both parents are forced to work

in order to increase their income. Consequently, employment causes parents

to leave their children unattended to or in the care of paid workers/

housemaids.

As may be appreciated, this is not the best for children since working

parents do not have suffi cient time to talk to their children and advise

them ----hence leaving this big task under the responsibility of teachers

and the school.

THE GROWTH OF THE NUCLEAR FAMILY

Affl uence especially in the urban areas and poverty in rural areas have

forced many families in Malawi to have fewer children and small size

families commonly known as the nuclear family. This development

which happens to be becoming common in many urban dwelling families

discourages the growth of the extended family system which provided

for foster parenthood. As a result, a signifi cant number of adolescents

such as orphans and the disadvantaged children may not benefi t from any

form of parental care if the development of the nuclear family continues

as a trend.

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Adolescent psychology

DIVORCE, PREMATURE DEATH, AND

SINGLE PARENTHOOD

Another change in Malawian families that has signifi cant impact on the

development of adolescents is the increase in divorce, death of a parent

and the resulting single parenthood and step parenthood. Single parenthood

and foster parenthood have become a familiar experience to many

adolescents in Malawi because of the rising divorce rate and premature

death of one parent.

Although divorce may come as a relief in strife-ridden families the great

majority of adolescents fi nd the separation of their parents and divorce

a very painful and disruptive experience with long-term psychological

effects.

Single parenthood is an integral part in society directly resulting from

divorce and premarital childbirths.

However, it may come as a relief to note that the effects of divorce are not

always bad. In some circumstances adolescents from divorced parents

may experience less anguish and less maladjustment than those growing

up within intact confl ict-ridden marriages. Signifi cant proportions of

divorced people remarry and adolescents are likely to grow up in step

parent families.

EFFECTS OF SINGLE PARENTHOOD ON

ADOLESCENTS

Single parent families may be created by death of a parent but in most

cases they may result from divorce, separation and desertion [Papalia and

Olds, 1990]. According to Atwater [1992] divorce and separation almost

always bring drastic changes in the amounts and sources of income. For

example, a typical single parent family tends to suffer from fi nancial dep

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Adolescent psychology

rivation.

This is particularly true in single parent families headed by women.

Here the absence of a father, as may be conceived, has the following

implications:

• Less father support

• Less family cohesion

• More sibling confl ict

• More house hold responsibility

As a result, young adolescents, according to Papalia and Olds [1990]:

• Feel anger, depression, guilt and despair

• May worry about money or become very active sexually

• May begin to compete with the parent of the same sex or play

man or woman of the household

Some effects of one-parent family on schooling which studies carried out

so far indicate that students from one-parent homes:

• Achieved less in school

• Liked school less

• Had more problems with peers

• Were likely to need disciplinary action than students with two parents

Teachers therefore need to look at ways to co-operate with single parents

so as to assist affected students effectively. Finally although most

children and adolescents initially experience stress when their parents divorce

and they are at risk for developing problem behaviors, divorce can

also salvage children and adolescents from confl icted marriages. Many

children and adolescents emerge from divorce as complete individuals.

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Furthermore, in general Papalia and Olds [1990] quoting Ruther[1983]

state that children are better adjusted when they have a good relationship

with one parent than when they have grown up in a two parent home

characterized by discord and discontent. This is in support of the view

many developmentalists in recent times adopted that single-parent children

do not necessarily breed problem children.

GENDER AND EQUITY OF FAMILY

RESPONSIBILITY

Perhaps another dramatic change that has taken place in the Malawian

family is the growth of gender issues and the notion for women to share

domestic responsibilities equally with their husbands. Women’s push for

equity with men in the family is culturally infl uenced by the Western

world particularly North America and Western Europe. This probably

explains why the issue of equity in the family is confi ned largely to the

families of affl uent-educated Malawians who are exposed to Western

cultures through the print and electronic media. In the absence of any

documentation about its impact on adolescent development in Malawi it

may be dangerous to speculate at the moment.

PARENT ADOLESCENT CONFLICT AND THE

CHANGING PARENTING TECHNIQUES

Also noticeable, to a greater degree in Malawian families is an increase

in parent-adolescent confl ict. Confl icts with parents increase in early adolescence.

Such confl ict is usually moderate, taking the form of defi ance

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towards parental orders. The increase in confl ict can be associated with

positive developmental function of promoting developmental transition

that occurs when parents push an adolescent to leave home and become

independent. It may also be noted that parents also tend to change their

techniques of parenting from being authoritative to becoming more permissive

or a mixture of the two extremes.

THE BALANCED ECOLOGY OF THE FAMILY

Social ecology implies a balance between love and limits; support and

control. There are basically four parenting techniques.

• Indifferent

• Autocratic/authoritarian

• Indulgent

• Authoritative

INDIFFERENT PARENTING

• Parents give little support and control or non at all.

• Adolescents are ignored by the parent.

• Adolescents are treated as though they don’t exist and thus engage in

attention seeking behavior either good or bad.

• Parents are mostly dysfunctional, alcoholic or drug abusers.

• Single parentage where the parent has to undertake a dual duty of

roles may result in indifference.

• Adolescents are impulsive and more prone to delinquent behavior.

• Adolescents are precocious-----they experiment with sex, drugs and alcohol.

INDULGENT PARENTING

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• Parents give high support but little control to their children.

• Material support is high.

• Parents don’t set any rules or standards for their children.

• Adolescents lack self control are less mature and more irrespon

sible.

• Adolescents are more conforming to peers and less able to

assume positions of leadership.

AUTOCRATIC/AUTHORITARIAN

PARENTING

• Parents give a lot of control and little support.

• Parents give a lot of control and the child reacts rather than re

spond.

• Adolescents are more dependent and more passive.

• Adolescents are less socially adept, less assured and less

intellectually curious.

AUTHORITATIVE PARENTING

• There is a balance or equilibrium between support and control.

• Equilibrium creates the greatest self concept.

• There is a sense of security in the family.

•Adolescents are socially skilled and self assured.

•Adolescents are adaptive and creative.

•Adolescents are responsible and curious.

THE SIX A’S OF POSITIVE PARENTING

Authority-

right choices and develops a sense of self-decisiveness.

---------- administered with love provides boundaries for making

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Accountability-

them to be accountable, which develops a sense of self discipline and self

control.

-----------by being accountable to children, parents teach

Affection-

in the child.

----------------caring words and actions develop a sense of lovability

Availability

sense of importance.

---------------------taking time for the children develops a

Appreciation-

of signifi cance.

--------------sincere praise and affi rmation develops a sense

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Adolescent psychology

Acceptance------------------unconditional love develops a sense of security

and self worth.

Love is the superstructure, supporting unit and protective covering of a

family.

CHAPTER 8

SOCIALIZATION AND SOCIALIZATION AGENTS

THE PEER GROUP

In the fi rst place, adolescents are neither children nor adults. As children

reach adolescence, they spend more time with their peers. Peers in most

cases are members of the same age and level of maturity. Such being

the case they infl uence each other very much in most of their activities

since they are away from adults. Adolescents are primarily infl uenced by

their peers through the process of social comparison. Social comparison,

according to Atwater [ 1992] means seeking out peers with whom to

evaluate one’s self, abilities characteristics, and reactions. This process

of social comparison is a life long process which involves everyone, that

is, children as well as adults.

This process becomes more critical during adolescence when individuals

get busy establishing themselves and not simply refi ning themselves as

in adulthood. It is worthy knowing that adolescents at this time can not

compare themselves with children because that would be retrogressive.

Again they can not make adulthood comparison because that would be

inappropriate. As a result, they turn to their peers as a primary reference

group for defi ning themselves and their social identities. The role played

by peers in adolescence is especially critical.

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Adolescent psychology

Relations with both same and opposite-sex peers during the adolescent

years come closer to serving as prototypes for later adult relationships

in social relations, in work, and in interactions with members of the opposite

sex.

Adolescents are also more dependent upon peer relationships than are

younger children simply because ties to parents become progressively

looser as the adolescent gains greater independence. In addition, relations

with family members are likely to become charged with confl icting

emotions in the early years of adolescence- dependent yearnings exist

alongside independent strivings, hostility is mixed with love, and confl

icts occur over cultural values and social behaviour.

Consequently, many areas of the adolescent’s inner life and outward behaviour

become diffi cult to share with parents [Conger, 1984]. A mature,

warm, interested, and above all, non-exploitative adolescent peer may

play an important, sometimes crucial role in helping a boy or girl to gain

a clearer concept of self, problems, and goals; a feeling of personal worth;

and renewed hope for the future. Because of the heightened importance

of the peer group during adolescence, motivation for conformity to the

values, customs, and fads of peer culture increases during this period.

Peers belong to two groups---cliques and crowds.

Cliques in most cases are small groups that meet mostly for personal

communication and sharing. Members engage in activities which are

usually spontaneous and membership is on the basis of similar interests,

personality, schools, neighborhoods or religious affi liation.

Crowds, on the other hand, are larger size groups that meet primarily for

organized social activities like parties or dances. Activities in this group

usually occur during weekends. However, research has shown, that some

adolescents do not either belong to cliques or crowds. These adolescents

are known as loners or outsiders. Loners do not join groups. This maybe

because they have either been rejected or choose to do so. Peer relation

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Adolescent psychology

ships whether in cliques or crowds have a tremendous infl uence on adolescents

and some of these are:

• Satisfying adolescent needs

An adolescent may engage in activities like drinking or smoking, so as to

win approval of his or her friends. If an activity is done is acceptable and

part of the group norms, the adolescent feels good, accepted, excited and

wins companionship.

• Peer relationships expose the adolescent to information about

the world outside the family

You may agree that adolescents come from different and varied environments

as well as from different backgrounds. As they meet they share

information with one another which may even include adult values.

In addition, adolescents receive feedback about their abilities. In more

elaborate terms, adolescents learn whether what they do is better or worse

than what other adolescents do.

Learning this at home can be diffi cult because of age differences among

siblings.

• Peer relationships may also be necessary for normal social de

velopment

Adolescents learn for instance to be fair and just by working through

disagreements with their peers. They also learn to be skilled and sensitive

partners in intimate relationships with selected peers. These relationships

if carried forward help form the foundation of later dating and marital

relationships. Research has shown that in late adolescence, the crowd begins

to dissolve as couples develop more serious relationships and make

long-range plans that may even include engagement and marriage.

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Adolescent psychology

Other factors

Much as the above social aspects are appreciated, peer infl uence can also

have a negative effect on adolescent development.

• The groupings into cliques or crowds means that certain adoles

cents are left out either through rejection or being overlooked by

their peers. These tend to have feelings of loneliness and hostility and

if this can continue, it can lead to individual subsequent psychological,

health and criminal problems.

• As adolescents interact in groups, they have their own culture

and this culture is sometimes regarded as a corrupt infl uence that

undermines parental values and control.

• Peer relationships can introduce adolescents to alcohol, drugs,

delinquency and other forms of bad behavior.

SCHOOL INFLUENCE

As children become adolescents and as adolescents develop and become

adults, they experience many transitions in schooling. Transitions from

primary school to secondary school can have an effect on the adolescent

child since he/she has to face new challenging tasks, make new

friends, receive instructions from new teachers and so on. Everybody’s

life is affected in one way or another by teachers. As a teacher-learner

you may wish to know that you will meet groups of individuals who

are still searching for their identity, trying to seek approval, making new

friends and even struggling with psychological changes taking place in

their bodies.

These are none other than adolescents.

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Adolescent psychology

With the same concern, psychologists and educators have for some time

tried to compile a profi le of a good teacher’s personality traits and some,

among others, according to Santrock [1993] are:

• A good teacher should produce a sense of industry rather than

inferiority in students.

• A good teacher is respected and trusted by the community and

know how to alternate work and play, study and games.

• A good teacher knows how to recognize special efforts and to

encourage special abilities.

• A good teacher knows how to create a setting in which ado

lescents feel good about themselves and knows how to handle

those adolescents to whom school is not important.

• A good teacher is affable but not lax, stern but not harsh.

It should be borne in mind that meaningful teaching can only take place

when teachers understand the:

• Developmental characteristics of the age group they are dealing

with.

• When trust has been established.

• When adolescents feel free to explore, to experiment and make

mistakes. [Santrock, 1993].

Adolescents respond best to teachers who exercise natural authority

based on greater age, experience, and wisdom rather than arbitrary authority

or abdication of authority by being pals with the adolescents. A

question may come to our minds what all these characteristics have to

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Adolescent psychology

do with adolescent development in schools. It is pertinent to know that

teachers are part of the schooling process. Apart from teaching, teachers

also indulge in counseling as well as administrative work. All these take

place within the school setting.

If teachers know their roles and understand students’ problems and background,

they can offer necessary assistance which can later on assist the

adolescent socially, morally and even academically.

For adolescents peer groups in schools are an important source of status,

friendship and belonging. They are also a learning community in which

social roles and standards related to work and achievement are formed.

In general, we might say that schools provide the locus for many of the

adolescent activities after school and during weekends. The peer group

that an adolescent joins depends partly on the socio-economic status,

partly on values picked up from home, and partly on their own personality.

As a teacher-learner, you need to know that an adolescent who joins a

troublesome group will eventually become troublesome. Again if they

join a group that has an interest in academic work they will also do the

same and this can assist them to improve their academic performance.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE MEDIA

The media of mass communication is yet another important aspect that

has a bearing on adolescent development. Santrock [1993] argues that:

‘If the amount of time spent in an activity is an indication of its importance,

then there is no doubt that the mass media plays an important role

in adolescent development’.

Research has shown that adolescents spend most of their time with some

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Adolescent psychology

kind of mass media either as a primary focus or as a background to other

activities. The question then is what these mass media are? These are like

television, music media like radios, tapes, records and music videos and

print media like comic booklets, newspapers, magazines and periodicals

as well as the internet. These media of mass communication have positive

as well as negative impacts on adolescent development. Some of the

negative implications of the media are:

• Watching of videos and television and use of the print media can

lead to pollution of the mind.

This happens when adolescents watch or read anything without censorship

e.g. pornographic fi lms and material.

• Certain plays on video and television can teach violence.

Violence in some cases is depicted as a way of life and some

times police are shown using violence in their fi ght against

crime.

• Watching TV and video fi lms can be deceptive as well.

Santrock [1993] states that such media may teach adolescents

that problems are easily resolved and that everything turns out

all right in the fi nal analysis. For example in a fi lm, adolescents

may watch a fi ght where someone is injured severely but after a

few seconds

he/she gets well. This in real life is not so. It might take an

individual

months or even years to recover or even fail to recover. Television

and video can take adolescence away from the printed media

e.g. books thus killing the reading culture. Research has shown

that television can train adolescents to be passive learners and

eventually lead to a passive life-style.

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Adolescent psychology

Much as the mass media may have negative implications, research has

shown that they also show positive traits for example:

• Music meets a number of adolescent personal and social needs

for example,

-Mood control

-Silence fi lling

-Providing knowledge about the outer world

-Expressing adolescent concerns against authority

• Television and printed media also expose adolescents to the

outer world different from the one they are living in, as a result

they learn other cultures, clothing fashions, career possibilities

and even patterns of intimate relationships.

• Mass media assist adolescents in improving their communica

tion and writing skills.

• Watching a play for example or reading a novel can help them

check their use of language and grammar and make necessary

changes or adjustments.

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Adolescent psychology

CHPTER 9

PSYCHOSOCIAL CHALLENGES/PROBLEMS

FACING ADOLESCENTS

Adolescents due to the developmental crisis that they are prone to face a

myriad of psychosocial challenges. Among the major challenges are:

• Juvenile delinquency

• Drug and alcohol abuse

• Early pregnancy

• Sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS

These are considered in this unit.

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

Juvenile delinquency refers to the predisposition to and indulgence in

criminal or unlawful activities by children under the age of 18. According

to the U.S Bureau of the census [1992] when just serious crimes are

considered 28% of these were committed by persons under age 18. This

included:

• 14% of all murders

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Adolescent psychology

• 15% of all rape cases

• 24% of all robberies

• 43% of car thefts

In the Malawian scenario, theft, vandalism, teasing and bullying are extremely

rampant.

FACTORS CAUSING JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

A myriad of factors have been postulated as causing delinquency among

adolescents. However there are three major categories of factors namely:

• Psychological

• Sociological

• Biological

PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS

There have been efforts to determine whether certain personality factors

predispose the adolescent to delinquency [Holcomb et. al, 1991].

Generally speaking, no one personality type is associated with delinquency,

but those who become delinquent are more likely to be impulsive,

destructive, suspicious, hostile, resentful, ambivalent to authority,

defi ant, socially assertive and lack self control [Ashfort et. al, 1990].

Aggressive conduct is associated with delinquent behavior.

Delinquency is sometimes a manifestation of hostilities, anxieties, fears

or deeper neurosis. In some cases, delinquency is the result of poor socialization

that results in adolescents not developing proper impulse control

[Sagi, 1982]. Health adolescents may also be mislead by others into

delinquency.

SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS

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Adolescent psychology

Family factors, such as strained family relationships and lack of family

cohesion, are important sources of delinquency [Kroupa, 1988]. Broken,

dysfunctional homes have been associated with delinquency, but are no

worse than, and sometimes not as detrimental as, intact but unhappy or

disturbed family relationships. Family environment is more important

in delinquency than family structure [Lefl ore, 1988]. One study demonstrated

that parental controls are signifi cant inhibitors of delinquency.

Juvenile delinquency is distributed through all socio-economic status

levels.

Tygart [1988] for example found that youths of high socio-economic status

[SES] were more likely to be involved in school vandalism than youth

of low SES. Community and neighborhood infl uence are also important.

Most larger communities have areas in which delinquency rates are

higher than in other neighborhoods e.g. shanty towns. Shanty towns are

typifi ed by antisocial behaviours as gambling, prostitution, theft and robberies,

alcoholism and drug abuse. In Malawi such communities include

Ndirande in Blantyre; Chinsapo and Mchesi in Lilongwe; and Masasa in

Mzuzu.

Some adolescents become delinquent because of antisocial infl uences of

peers.

A high degree of peer orientation is sometimes associated with a high

level of delinquency. Modern youth are also infl uenced by affl uent and

hedonistic [pleasure seeking] values and lifestyles in their culture. Youth

may be encouraged to keep late hours, get into mischief and become involved

in vandalism or delinquent acts just for adventure [Renner, 1981].

Violent youth may also have been infl uenced by the violence they see in

the media.

May [1986] found that youths who behave in a violent manner give more

selective attention to violent cues. They tend to choose to attend movies

that are more violent, and imitate what they have seen and heard. Today’s

adolescents are also living in a period of unrest, disorganization,

and rapid cultural change, all of which tend to increase delinquency rates.

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Adolescent psychology

Alcohol and drug abuse tends to be strongly correlated with delinquency

[Stuck et.al, 1985].

The level of school performance is also correlated with delinquency.

Inability getting along with teachers and administrators, diffi culty adjusting

to the school program, classroom misconduct, poor grades and a lack

of school success are associated with delinquency.

BIOLOGICAL FACTORS

Biological causes may play a role in delinquency [Anolik, 1983].

Mednick and Christiansen [1977], showed that the autonomic nervous

system in criminals recovers more slowly from environmental stimulation

as compared to that of non-criminals. Slow recovery time reduces

the ability to alter their behavior through punishment; thus it becomes

more diffi cult to unlearn delinquent behavior. There is also a possibility

that a maturational lag in the development of the frontal lobe of the brain

results in neuro-physiological dysfunction and delinquent behavior [Vooless,

1985].

The prefrontal area of the brain is responsible for impulse control.

Juveniles are not able to act on the basis of the knowledge they have- they

are unable to control their impulses.

According to Sheppard [1974], at least 25% of delinquency can be blamed

on organic causes. Hyper-activity from hyper-thyrodism, hyper-glycemia

and Diabetes mellitus or Type 2 diabetes can also result in delinquency.

Other research indicates a defi nite relationship between delinquency and

health problems such as neurological, speech, hearing, and visual abnormalities.

PREVENTION

There are several strategies that can be used to mitigate delinquency

among adolescents:

• One way to prevent delinquency is to identify children [such as

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Adolescent psychology

hyperactive ones] who may be predisposed to getting into trou

ble during adolescence and then plan intervention programs to

help.

• Another preventive measure is to focus on dysfunctional fam

ily relationships and assist parents in learning more effective

parenting skills.

• Anti-social youth may be placed in groups of pro-social peers,

such as at day camps where their behavior is infl uenced posi

tively.

• Young children may be placed in pre-school settings before

problems arise.

• Social skills training may be helpful with some offenders.

DRUG AND ALCOHOL ABUSE

Drug and alcohol abuse is one of the risky-taking behaviors among adolescents.

Drugs are capable of providing pleasure by giving relaxation

and prolonged heightened sensation. Alcohol for example is posited to

reduce anxiety. It is argued that this anxiolytic effect works in three dimensions-

• By impairing the encoding of information in terms of self-rel

evance---intoxication decreases self-awareness.

• By effecting on attentional capacity.

• By effecting on the initial appraisal of stressful information

[Sayette, 1993].

Needless to say drug and alcohol abuse stand as a high correlate in other

risk behaviors like delinquency and promiscuity. Drugs most commonly

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Adolescent psychology

abused may be grouped into a number of categories:

• Narcotics

• Stimulants

• Depressants

• Hallucinogens

• Inhalants

Out of these groups the most frequently abused drugs and substances are

alcohol, tobacco, marijuana in that order as well as cocaine although not

very commonly abused.

A number of psychological theories have been developed to explain

alcohol use and alcoholism. Generally, these theories state that people

drink alcohol to increase pleasant feelings [positive reinforcement] or to

decrease unpleasant feelings [negative reinforcement]. An attributional

self-handicapping model asserts that alcohol can be used in some cases

as an excuse for undesirable behavior or negative outcomes.

This approach maintains self-perceptions of competence by providing

external attributions for negative behavior [e.g. I was drunk]. Alcohol

is most effective as an anodyne, and is most likely to be consumed, following

a stressful experience due to the fact that it replenishes endorphin

levels following a stressful event [Volpicelli, 1987]. Often consumed to

produce positive effects such as enhanced arousal and positive mood.

Can enhance feelings of power- this euphoric effect generally appears

while blood alcohol concentrations are rising [Marlatt, 1987].

ADDICTION AND DEPENDENCY

A distinction must be made between physical addiction or physical dependency

and psychological dependency. Physical addiction is the body’s

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Adolescent psychology

physical dependency on drugs; such that the human body fails to function

properly in the absence of an intoxicating drug. An addictive drug is one

that causes the body to build up a chemical dependency to it, so that withdrawal

results in unpleasant symptoms [Ralph & Morgan, 1983]. Psychological

dependency is the development of a powerful psychological

need for a drug resulting in a compulsion to take it [Capuzzi & Lecoqu,

1983].

Drugs become a means of fi nding relief, comfort, or security. The use of

alcohol, for example becomes self-reinforcing when individuals come to

believe that it enhances social and physical pleasure or sexual performance,

leads to arousal, or to increase in social assertiveness, or reduction

in tension [Webb et. al, 1992]. Some individuals become psychologically

dependent on drugs that are also physically addictive, such as crack cocaine,

alcohol, heroin and nicotine. Dependence is strongly reinforced by

the desire to avoid the pain and distress of physical withdrawal. Sometimes

physical dependence is broken, but individuals go back to drugs

because of psychological dependency on them. It is a mistake, therefore,

to assume that the only dangerous drugs are those that are physically addictive.

Youth are trying drugs at tender ages in both rural and urban areas in

Malawi.

PATTERNS OF DRUG USE

Five patterns of drug use may be identifi ed according to Pedersen

[1990].

Social recreational use

Occurs among acquaintances or friends as a part of socializing. Usually

this use does not include addictive drugs and does not escalate in either

frequency or intensity to become uncontrolled.

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Adolescent psychology

Experimental use

Is motivated primarily by curiosity or by a desire to experience new feelings

on a short-term basis. Users rarely use any drugs on a daily basis,

and tend not to use drugs to escape the pressures of personal problems.

However, if users experiment with physically addictive drugs they may

become addicted before they realize it.

Circumstantial – situational use

Is indulgence to achieve a known and desired effect. A person may take

stimulants to stay awake while driving or studying e.g. amphetamines or

may take sedatives to relieve tension and go to sleep. Some persons use

drugs to try to escape problems. The danger is that such use will escalate

to intensifi ed use.

Intensifi ed drug use

Generally involves using drugs at least once daily over a long period of

time to achieve relief from a stressful situation or a persistent problem.

Drugs become a customary part of the daily routine. Use may or may not

affect functioning depending on the frequency, intensity and amount of

use.

Compulsive drug us

Involves both extensive and frequent use for relatively long periods,

producing psychological dependence and physiological addiction with

discontinuance resulting in psychological stress or physiological discomfort.

The threat of psychological and physical discomfort from withdrawal

e

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Adolescent psychology

becomes the motivation for continued use.

CAUSES OF DRUG AND SUBSTANCE ADDICTION

Family origin

The following family factors correlate closely with excessive drug use by

adolescents while growing up:

• Drug abusers less likely to have open communication with par

ents [Kafi a & London, 1991].

• Abusers are usually not as close to their parents, are more likely

to have negative adolescent-parent relationships, and have a low

degree of parental support.

• Abusers are more likely to have parents who drink excessively

and/or use other psychotropic drugs [Mc Dermott, 1984; Wodar

ski, 1990]. Research by Sher [1991] indicates that children of

alcoholics are at a heightened risk to develop alcoholism.

• Abusers are more likely to come from broken homes or not to

live with both parents [Dolerty & Needle, 1991].

• Abusers’ parents less often praise, encourage, and counsel as

well as set limits to adolescents’ behavior [Noam et. al, 1991].

These types of family situations create personality problems that cause

individuals to be more likely to turn to drugs. Numerous other studies

associate drug addiction and dependency with dysfunctional family relationships

and personality problems.

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Other social & psychological correlates

• Those who abuse drugs are more likely to have peers who use

and approve of drug use.

• Abusers are more likely to be associated with deviant peers [Si

mons et.al, 1991].

• Abusers are more likely to be in rebellion against social sanc

tions [Kaplan & Fukurai, 1992].

• Abusers are more likely to be truant from school [Pritchart et. al,

1992].

• Abusers are more likely to have frequent sex, a greater number

of coital partners, and show a greater percentage of unprotected

sex [Jemmont et.al 1993].

• Research has also documented the relationship between certain

personality traits such as impulsivity and habituation to stimuli

and the development of alcoholism [Sher, 1991].

EFFECTS OF ALCOHOL ON ADOLECSENT BEHAVIOR

Alcohol is an extremely powerful drug which is found in beer, wines and

spirits such as whisky. It acts primarily to slow down the brain’s activities.

In low quantities alcohol is a stimulant. It has also been proven that

alcohol consumption can reduce the risk of developing hypertension as

well as heart attack. However taken in large quantities alcohol can damage

or even kill biological tissues including muscle and brain cells. The

major mental and behavioral effect of alcohol on adolescents is reduced

skilled performance. Skills of intellectual functioning such as reading,

writing, memory and recall become impaired while behavioral control

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and judgment become less effi cient.

Dementia tremens or alcohol dependence syndrome characterized by

strong addiction is the worst effect with an individual failing to function

without alcohol. It is characterized by

• Continued drinking despite aversive consequences

• Liver damage

• Peripheral neuropathy

• Memory loss

Management of alcoholism

A number of pharmacological treatments continue to be developed to

treat alcoholism. Disulfi ram [antabuse] has long been used to deter persons

from drinking. When alcohol is consumed, antabuse produces an

accumulation of the toxic metabolite acetaldehyde, causing nausea and

hypotension. If antabuse is reliably used these extremely unpleasant sensations

act as aversion therapy----deterring an individual from drinking.

Fluoxetine and naltrexone have been posited to reduce alcohol craving

and drinking.

Psychosocial interventions

• Relapse prevention

• Skills training

• Self help groups

• Cue exposure

• Couples therapy/family therapy

• Motivation enhancement

• Alcohol expectancies

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TEENAGE PREGNANCY AMONG ADOLESCENTS

With their developing idealism and ability to think in more abstract and

hypothetical ways, young adolescents may get caught up in a mental

world far removed from reality. One that may involve a belief that things

cannot or will not happen to them and that they are omnipotent and indestructible.

These cognitive changes have intriguing implications for adolescents’

sexuality and sex education. Having information about contraceptives is

not enough- what seems to predict whether or not adolescents will use

contraceptives is their acceptance of themselves and their sexuality.

Most discussions of adolescent pregnancy and its prevention assume

that adolescents have the ability to anticipate consequences, to weigh

the probable outcome of behavior, and project into the future what will

happen if they engage in certain acts, such as sexual intercourse. That is,

prevention is based on the belief that adolescents have the cognitive ability

to approach problem – solving in a planned, organized, and analytical

manner. However, many adolescents are just beginning to develop these

capacities, and others have not developed them at all [Holmbeck, Gasseloski

& Crossman, 1989].

The personal fable may be associated with adolescent pregnancy. The

young adolescent might say,

‘Hey, it won’t happen to me’.

The combination of early physical, maturational, risky-taking behaviors,

egocentrism, the inability to think futuristically, and an ambivalent, contradictory

culture makes sex diffi cult for adolescents to handle.

The net increase in premarital sexual intercourse accompanied by a lack

of effi cient use of contraceptives has resulted in an increase in the in

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cidence of out of wedlock pregnancies. Unmarried motherhood among

young teenage girls is a tragedy in most instances.

HAZARDS OF TEENAGE PREGNANCY

The physical, economic, and social hazards that face young mothers and

their babies have aroused the concern of many researchers. When the

mother is younger than sixteen, her risk of dying during pregnancy or

childbirth is extremely pronounced. Extremely young mothers face special

risks because their pelvises are immature. The fetal head is often

unable to pass safely through the immature pelvis, and so young teenagers

are likely to have complicated deliveries and caesarean sections

[Killarney, 1983]. No matter what the adolescent’s age, her chances of

developing complications are increased.

Compared with other babies, more babies of adolescent mothers are born

dead, and there are more cases of premature birth, low birth weight, respiratory

distress syndrome, and neurological defects [Bolton, 1980].

Adolescents face further hazards if they breastfeed their babies. Even

though they take dietary supplements, they tend to lose large amounts

of calcium and other minerals from their bones [Thomas et.al, 1982].

Because their bones are still growing, it is diffi cult for adolescent girls to

take in enough additional calcium and phosphorus to meet the simultaneous

demands of milk production and new bone growth.

Other physiological problems include pregnancy induced hypertension,

fi stula, anemia, vulnerability to HIV/AIDS and other STIs. Economically

most young mothers drop out of school and these young women fi nd

themselves trapped in economic insecurity.

HIV/AIDS AND SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASE

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Adolescents who are sexually active may be susceptible or exposed to

sexually transmitted disease including HIV/AIDS.

STD’s may include;

• Gonorrhea

• Chlamydia trachomatis

• Urethritis

• Chancroid

• Herpes

• Syphilis

• Donovanosis

• Warts

• Candidiasis

Statistically about 1 in 4 cases of gonorrhea involve an adolescent.

Genital herpes is found in 1 out of every 35 adolescent cases. Syphilis

and other STD’s are also common among adolescents. Those between 20

and 24 years of age have the highest incidence of STD’s followed by the

15-19 age group. With their confounded risk perception, adolescents are

vulnerable to contracting HIV/AIDS due to their involvement in unprotected

sex. It has been argued that bearing in mind that most AIDS cases

occur among the young adults [20-29 and early 30’s] and that the incubation

period for AIDS may be from a few years to up to 10 years [Wallis,

1987] many with AIDS may have been infected as adolescents.

PREVENTION OF STDS AND EARLY PREGNACY

Sex education

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Fears in some quarters that sex education courses increase sexual activity

and pregnancy among adolescents seem groundless and unfounded.

Compared with adolescents who have not had sex education courses,

adolescents who have completed courses show no additional sexual activity.

These students also are less likely to have intercourse without contraceptives

[Zelnik & Kim, 1982]. But sex education by itself cannot solve the

problem of teenage pregnancies. In the absence of a vaccine or effi cacious

cure, the prevention of the spread of HIV will for many people

require changes in risk-taking behavior.

Behavior modifi cation strategies depend on an appreciation of the complexities

of social context, risk and relationships, as well as some impediments

to discussing sex and negotiating safer sex practices. This includes

an understanding of self-effi cacy and social support as sexual behavior is

not necessarily the outcome of a consensual and rational decision [Wight,

1992].

Life options approach

Life skills such as assertiveness, communication, positive self concept

negotiation, decision making can help the adolescent to refrain from

unprotected sexual debuts. Involvement of adolescents in activities as

games, sporting activities, drama, and extracurricular clubs like AIDS

Toto and Young voices can help ease the sexual tension and take their

time from idleness and the drive for sex. This invokes the defense mechanism

of sublimation by which adolescents may be encouraged to channel

their sexual impulses into activities other than sexual risky behaviors as

highlighted above.

Summation

Life skills---------negotiation, assertiveness, refusal, communica

tion.

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Adolescent psychology

Cognitive skills---------problem solving, critical thinking, deci

sion making.

Coping skills-------------stress management, increasing internal

locus of control.

Practical skills---------abstinence, using a condom.

CHAPTER 10

TEACHING AND LEARNING DURING ADOLESCENCE

According to Cole [1963] in his provocative book ‘Psychology of Adolescence’,

there are some basic elements that teachers of adolescents need to

bear in mind in the course of their profession. To begin with, adolescents

of high school age are rather impatient of drill or monotony.

They want an ever-shifting variety and excitement in their lives. The

teacher who day after day simply assigns the next ten pages in the textbook

allows the preparation of lessons to become unbearably monotonous.

That does not imply that no drill subjects should be taught. Work

involving drill should absolutely be directed toward some purpose the

adolescent wishes to achieve. Thus the boy who has become interested in

attending a foreign university willingly spends countless hours in mastering

the necessary language. The girl with ambitions to become a private

secretary will spend similar amounts of time in monotonous drill on stenography

and typing.

The point to remember is the difference in motivation between children

and adolescents. Children will memorize addition combinations either to

please the teacher or to have a gold star placed after their name on the

blackboard.

During adolescence however, the students must be stimulated to drill

themselves because they can see, through the drill and monotony, a goal

they are eager to reach. The work in high school must be interesting.

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Adolescent psychology

This statement is not made in defence of a painless education. Classroom

work must compete with all the other things a boy or girl likes to do.

The adolescent will spend time in studying only if the work is as interesting

as the other things to which the same time might be put. If class work

is not interesting it will be neglected in favour of athletics, extracurricular

activities, individual schemes of various sorts, money-making tasks,

reading of light fi ction, dances, or other such diversions. The adolescent

can no longer be controlled, as the child can be, by mere authority, and

he is not yet old enough to be controlled by economic pressure. In the

intervening years he will therefore follow his interests. It is part of the

teacher’s business to capitalize on them.

Classroom work must furnish adolescents with an opportunity to exercise

their minds. Naturally, the assignments appropriate for the more capable

are too diffi cult for the dull, but for pupils of all levels of ability

there must be a real opportunity for mental effort. Boys and girls of this

age spontaneously spend hours in solving all kinds of puzzles or in playing

games that demand quick thinking and cleverness in outwitting one’s

opponent [e.g., chess, monopoly, drafts]. Assignments therefore need to

present puzzles that will intrigue the adolescent into thinking. Whenever

possible, subject matter should be approached through the emotions and

imagination rather than through impersonal logic.

Adolescents are stimulated by anything in which there is a bit of romance.

They show this inclination clearly in their choice of movies or reading

matter and in their hero worship of some idealized historic or fi ctional

character. The chemistry teacher might bring about more learning of

chemistry if he would start his course with the reading of Crucibles; the

biologist would be well advised to begin his elementary classes with the

reading of The Microbe Hunters. The languages teacher may read, Romeo

and Juliet. Such reading is stimulating to the imagination and ideals of

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Adolescent psychology

youth and serves to maintain adolescent effort through the hours of drill.

Naturally, a profound arousal of the emotions is undesirable, but too little

stimulation is equally fatal to schoolwork.

One of the adolescent’s favourite illusions is his conviction that he is now

an adult. Pupils in high school should therefore be allowed, within reasonable

limits, to plan their own work and the means of getting it done.

Some guidance must, of course, be given- but primarily when asked for.

Arranging his own work not only gives an adolescent a feeling of independence

but arouses responsibility for getting the work done. This gives

a sense of self-direction.

Thus if an English teacher wants pupils to read part or whole of an epic,

he may either assign a particular epic or he may tell the pupil to fi nd out

what epics there are and then to select for himself which one he will read.

The second type of assignment is decidedly preferable. Discovery learning

should be encouraged where students can do research on their own

and present to their counterparts.

The task of the teacher then becomes that of the ‘translator or guider’ who

has to present the curriculum content on such a level and in such a way

that it corresponds to the cognitive structure of the adolescents. The goal

is to correlate the curriculum systematically with the adolescents’ logical,

abstract and deductive reasoning abilities as highlighted by Piaget’s theories

[Muuss, 1996]. More specifi cally, the formal operations found in the

adolescent constitute the prerequisite for teaching geometry, proportionality,

propositions, and probabilistic reasoning. Sex differences between

boys and girls may be there especially with boys performing better on

some tasks that have a strong spatial reasoning component.

However, overall, on all other basic abstract logical competencies sex

differences are minimal or non-existent. Finally, teaching should emphasise,

insofar as adolescents being taught can appreciate, the general

implications, conclusions, and theories inherent in the facts under con

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sideration. For the fi rst time in his life, the high school pupil is able to

regard a general principle as something more than a series of words to be

memorised.

When he discovers that theories give him an explanation of otherwise

puzzling facts, he is eager to have more of them and thus achieve further

enlightenment. Most adolescents want explanations of why things happen

in contrast to the child who is content to know what happens. Teaching

in high school should, then, have the following eight characteristics

if it is to motivate the learner into getting his work done:

• It must relate drill to some desired purpose and must eliminate

sheer monotony as much as possible.

• It must be interesting.

• It must give the adolescent mental exercise.

• It must stir his imagination.

• It must allow him to feel and develop his independence.

• It must socialise him.

• It must give him insight into his daily life.

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• It must provide him with as many explanations as he can understand.

Work that lacks these characteristics simply does not get done because

learning cannot be brought about without the earnest co-operation of the

learner.

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